
Glass 



Rnnk 'N4-Z 






THRILLING INCIDENTS 



WARS OF THE UNITED STATES: 



COMPRISING THE MOST 



STRIKING AND REMARKABLE EVENTS 



THE REVOLUTION, THE FRENCH WAR, THE TRIPOLITAN 

WAR, THE INDIAN WAR, THE SECOND WAR 

WITH GREAT BRITAIN, AND THE 

MEXICAN WAR. 



WITH THREE HUNDRED ENGRAVINGS. 



BY THE AUTHOR OF 

" THE ARMY AND NAVY OF THE UNITED STATES." 



PHILADELPHIA: 

PUBLISHED BY CAREY & HART. 

1848. 






Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1848, by 

CAREY AND HART, 

in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States, in and for the 

Eastern District Of Pennsylvania. 



E\9\ 



B. B. MEAKS. STEREOTYPER. T. K. AND P. G COLLINS, PRINTERS. 



PREFACE. 



The purpose of the writer in the following pages 
is apparent in the title-page. He has selected, 
from the various authentic histories, memoirs, and 
reminiscences which have appeared during the last 
fifty years, the narratives of those events which 
were at once the most striking and important in 
our national annals, and presented them in a col- 
lective form. The view thus exhibited, bears the 
same relation to a complete and connected history 
that a sketch does to a finished picture. The strong 
points and striking features only are represented; 
but, at the same time, a vivid conception is afforded 
of the whole subject. The imagination of the reader 
receives, perhaps, a livelier impulse from the sketch 
than it would from the picture. What is delineated 
suggests more to the active fancy than if the de- 
lineator had endeavoured to place the whole upon 



vi PREFACE. 

his canvas ; and the reader is more agreeably 
occupied in filling up the vacant parts by his own 
imaginative or recollective faculty, than if nothing 
had been wanting to render the picture complete. 

The author has found his task an agreeable one. 
The history of our country is filled with incidents 
which do honour to the American character; and 
every true patriot must feel gratification in perusing 
the records of those heroic and disinterested actions 
which shed light and glory on our national annals. 
If the following pages fail to render full justice to 
those who have deserved well of their country by 
high achievements in the field and on the ocean, 
it is not from any deficiency of zeal in the cause. 

So far as his limits would permit, the author has 
earnestly endeavoured to render all honour to whom 
honour is due. 



CONTENTS. 



REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

Opening of the Revolution, , Page 13 

The Boston Massacre, 19 

Affair of the Sloop Liberty, 25 

Affair of the Gaspee, 29 

The Tea Riot, 34 

The Boston Port Bill, 39 

The First Continental Congress — Consequent Parliamentary pro- 
ceedings, . . . ' 46 

Organization of the Minute-Men, 56 

Patrick Henry — Second Provincial Congress — First Military En- 
terprise, ....... 60 

Battles of Lexington and Concord, 67 

Battle of Bunker's Hill, 80 

Capture of Ticonderoga, 97 

Second Continental Congress — Washington's Appointment, . . 107 

Siege of Boston, . 113 

Incidents at the Evacuation of Boston, . . .120 

Burning of Falmouth, 130 

Arnold's Expedition to Quebec — Siege of Quebec, and Death of 

Montgomery, 142 

Scenes at Quebec during the Siege, 151 

Expedition against Charleston, 165 

The Declaration of Independence, . . . . .• 172 



viii CONTENTS. 

The Battle of Long Island, 177 

Washington's Retreat through New Jersey — Capture of General 

Lee, 188 

Battle of Trenton, 193 

Battle of Princeton, 198 

Capture of General Prescott, 203 

Battle of Brandywine, 205 

Battle of Germantown, 210 

Battle of Red Bank, 216 

Attack on Fort Mifflin — Retirement of the Army to Valley Forge, 219 

Battle of Bennington, . 227 

Murder of Miss M'Crea, 232 

Battle of Stillwater, 236 

Batde of Bemis's Heights, and Retreat of Burgoyne, . . 244 

Capture of Forts Clinton and Montgomery, 252 

Surrender of Burgoyne, 258 

The Treaty with France, 261 

Attack on Savannah, and Death of Pulaski, .... 267 

Storming of Stony Point, 272 

General Sullivan's Campaign against the Indians, . . . 276 

Tarleton's Quarters, 282 

Batde of Camden, and Death of De Kalb, .... 289 

Arnold's Treason, 294 

The Loss of the Randolph, 312 

The British Prison-Ships, 318 

Capture of the Serapis, . . ' 325 

Putnam's Feat at Horseneck, 33 1 

Battle of Eutaw Springs, 334 

Wayne's Charge at Green Spring, 343 

Capture of the General Monk, 346 

The Mutinies, 353 

Battle of the Cowpens, # 352 

Capture of New London, 357 

Massacre of Wyoming, 370 

Surrender of Cornwallis, 379 



CONTENTS. iX 
WAR WITH FRANCE. 

Capture of L'Insurgente, 383 

The Constellation and Vengeance, . 386 

WAR WITH TRIPOLI. 

Burning of the Philadelphia, 393 

Bombardment of Tripoli, 398 

Loss of the Intrepid, 406 

Expedition of General Eaton, 413 

SECOND WAR WITH ENGLAND. 

Battle of Tippecanoe, 416 

Capture of the Guerriere, 429 

Tragical Affair of an Indian Chief, 435 

Battle and Massacre at the River Raisin, 441 

Captain Holmes's Expedition, 446 

Capture of the Caledonia and Detroit, 451 

The Wasp and Frolic, 456 

Gallant Conduct of Lieutenant Allen at the Capture of the Mace- 
donian, 463 

Capture and Destruction of the Java, 467 

Siege of Fort Meigs, 470 

Capture of York, and Death of General Pike, .... 473 

Defence of Sackett's Harbour, 477 

Defence of Fort Stephenson, 481 

Battle of Lake Erie, ... 486 

Battle of the Thames, 496 

Gallant Action of Commodore Chauncey under the guns of 

Kingston Citadel, 505 

The Sacking of Hampton, 508 

Capture of the Peacock, 513 

Massacre at Fort Mimms, ....... 520 

Surrender of Weatherford, 526 

Battle of Niagara, 530 

Battle of New Orleans, . . . . . . . . 536 



X CONTENTS. 

WAR WITH MEXICO. 

Battle of Palo Alto, 543 

Battle of Resaca de la Palma, 548 

Capture of Monterey, . . 555 

Battle in the Streets of Monterey, 562 

Thrilling Scenes in the Battle of Buena Vista, .... 570 

Bombardment of Vera Cruz, 575 

Battle of Cerro Gordo, 581 

Battles of Contreras and Churubusco, 585 

Storming of Chapultepec, 593 




LIST OF THE PRINCIPAL ILLUSTRATIONS. 



Battle of Contreras, Frontispiece 


Boston Massacre, . . Page 19 


Samuel Adams, 


23 


John Hancock, 


25 


Burning of the Gaspee, . 


31 


The Tea Riot, 


35 


Faneuil Hall, .... 


39 


Lord George Germain, . 


43 


Carpenter's Hall, Philadelphia 


46 


Lord Chatham, 


50 


Colonel Pickering, . 


60 


Patrick Henry, 


62 


Battle of Lexington, 


67 


Battle of Concord Bridge, 


72 


Retreat from Concord, 


74 


Earl Percy, 


76 


Bunker's Hill Monument, 


80 


Battle of Bunker's Hill, . 


81 


General Warren, 


86 


Ruins of Ticonderoga, . 


95 


Surprise of Ticonderoga, 


100 


Washington, . 


106 


Siege of Boston, 


. 112 


Boston as seen from Dorcheste 


r, 122 


Burning of Falmouth, 


. 132 


General Arnold, 


135 


General Montgomery, 


. 143 


Quebec, .... 


150 


Sir Guy Carleton, . 


. 151 


Funeral of Montgomery, 


. 159 


Attack on Fort Moultrie, 


. 164 


Sir Peter Parker, . 


. 165 



Independence Hall, Philadelphia, 172 
Retreat from Long Island, . 185 
General Charles Lee, . . 188 
General Knox, . . . 193 

Battle-Ground at Trenton, . 198 
Washington's Head-Quarters at 

Morristown, . . .202 
Costume of British Naval Offi- 
cer, 1777, . . .209 
General La Fayette, . . 210 
Battle of Germantown, . . 214 
Battle of Red Bank, . . 216 
Encampment at Valley Forge, 219 
Fort Mifflin, .... 221 
General Stark, . . .226 
Battle of Bennington, . . 227 
Murder of Miss M'Crea, . 232 
General Schuyler, . . . 236 
Burgoyne's Encampment on the 

Hudson, .... 238 
General Gates, . . . 243 

Burgoyne's Retreat up the Hudson 249 
Fort Clinton, . . . .254 
Silas Deane, . . . .261 
Signing of the Treaty with France 264 
Death of Pulaski, . . .267 
Storming of Stony Point, . 272 
General Sullivan, . . . 276 
Sullivan's Expedition against the 

Indians 278 

Tarleton's Quarters, . . 284 
Battle of Camden, ... 288 



Xll 



ILLUSTRATIONS. 



Major Andre", ... 294 
Capture of Andre, . . 299 
Captain Biddle, . . - . 312 
Loss of the Randolph, . . 314 
Prison-Ship, .... 320 
Commodore Jones, t . 325 
Capture of the Serapis, . 327 
Putnam's Feat at Horseneck, 331 
General Greene, . . . 334 
Wayne's Charge, . . 342 
General Wayne, ... 343 
Commodore Barney, . . 346 
Capture of the General Monk, 348 
Wayne and the Mutineers, . 352 
Battle of the Cowpens, . 360 
General Morgan, . . . 364 
Burning of New London by Ar- 
nold, .... 366 
Ruins of Wyoming, . . 370 
Massacre of Wyoming, . 372 
Surrender of Cornwallis, . 378 
General Lincoln, . . . 379 
Commodore Truxtun, . . 386 
Constellation and Vengeance, 388 
Burning of the Philadelphia, 392 
Commodore Decatur, . . 393 
Commodore Preble, . . 398 
Bombardment of Tripoli, . 400 
Loss of the Intrepid, . . 408 
General Eaton, . . . 413 
General Harrison, . . 416 
Battle of Tippecanoe, . . 425 
Constitution and Guerriere, . 429 
Commodore Jones, . . 456 
Wasp and Frolic, . . . 459 
Lieutenant Allen, . . 463 
Commodore Bainbridge, . 467 
Sortie from Fort Meigs, . 470 
General Pike, . . . 473 



General Brown, . . . 477 
Defence of Fort Stephenson, 481 
Commodore Perry, . . 486 
Battle of Lake Erie t . . 492 
Battle of the Thames, . . 496 
Citadel of Kingston, from the St. 

Lawrence, . . . 504 
Commodore Chauncey, . 505 

Burning of Hampton, . . 510 
Captain Lawrence, . . 513 

Sinking of the Peacock, . 516 
Weatherford, ... 520 

Defence of Fort Mimms, . 523 
General Jackson, . . . 526 
General Scott, ... 530 
General Brown receiving the 
Communication of Major 
Jones, .... 534 
Battle of New Orleans, . 536 
New Orleans, . . . 539 
General Taylor, ... 543 
Death of Ringgold, . . 547 
Captain Walker, ... 548 
M' Call's Advance at Resaca de 

la Palma, ... 550 

Cavalry Charge at Monterey, 556 
Colonel Jack Hays, . . 557 
General Worth, ... 562 
Street-Fight in Monterey, . 564 
Santa Anna, .... 570 
American Fleet saluting the Cas- 
tle at Vera Cruz after the 
Surrender, . . . 575 
Bombardment of Vera Cruz, 578 

Storming of the Heights at Cer- 

ro Gordo, . . . 583 
Guerillas plundering, . . 586 
Paredes, .... 593 

Storming of Chapultepec, . 596 




ThrillLTia 



& 



• yep Me 



OPENING OF THE REVO- 
LUTION. 

Long before the passage 

of Grenville's Stamp Act, 

Great Britain had given cause 

of complaint to her colonies 

by restricting each province 

to the use of its own manu- 

Ifpfactures, and preventing the 

reciprocal importation of their 

'respective fabrics — thus com- 

. pletely discouraging all manu- 

^ 'l\ factures. To prevent a whole 

;X * people from following any 



L ii «% N branch of industry, is a mea 



sure which human nature can- 
not bear with tame submission. 



14 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

Nor was the severity of the act ameliorated by the 
representations of the ministry that the articles pro- 
hibited could be imported cheaper from England 
The injury felt by the measure was not at the time 
of much consequence ; but the regulation was in itself 
considered an insult to the understanding, more into- 
lerable than pecuniary oppression. 

The discontent arising from this restriction would 
in all probability have passed away, had it not been 
succeeded by deprivations of a more serious nature to 
the colonies. These were the orders of Parliament 
(1755), restricting the American trade with the West 
Indies, which had hitherto been a source of large 
revenue. The prohibition of so profitable a com- 
merce shook the vitals of American prosperity, and 
distressed the manufacturers and merchants of Eng- 
land. The servile complaisance which Great Britain 
showed to Spain by these orders, and the unwise 
policy of oppressing her own subjects to oblige for- 
eigners, were complained of by the people of England 
as well as by the Americans. But the king and min- 
istry refused to listen to the voice of justice, and con- 
tinued to pursue that system which eventually recoiled 
upon themselves. 

The peace of 1763 terminated a war, which was 
both advantageous and glorious to Great Britain. 
The treaty of Paris, besides ceding to her several 
islands in the West Indies, and establishing her power 
in the East, gave her the sovereignty of the vast 
continent of America, from Florida to the Arctic 
Seas. 

The expenses of the previous war had, however, 



OPENING OF THE REVOLUTION. 15 

been immense. In order to meet them and liquidate 
to some degree the national debt, resolutions were 
adopted by the ministry to tax the colonies on certain 
articles of importation. Their ability to pay these 
taxes was not doubted ; and it was considered proper 
that those who enjoyed so many advantages should 
contribute their portion towards bearing the public 
burdens. 

The colonists, however, were fully persuaded that 
whatever might be the necessities of the mother 
country, yet, exclusive of the restrictions laid during 
late years on their commerce, the sole enjoyment of 
their trade was a tax in itself more in proportion 
than all that were levied on the people of Great 
Britain. The right of taxing them without their being 
represented in the British Parliament, they denied as 
resolutely as their ancestors did the payment of ship- 
money to Charles I. ; at the same time claiming the 
privilege of representation as their undoubted birth- 
right. 

The ministry expressed astonishment at hearing 
such language from the colonists, charging them with 
ingratitude and disloyalty, and with being solicitous 
only to profit by the generosity of the mother coun- 
try. The Americans repelled these unfounded charges 
with indignation. They gloried in calling Britain 
their mother country ; they had never disgraced the 
title ; they had ever obeyed her just and lawful com- 
mands ; and they submitted, for her benefit, to heavy 
burdens and commercial restrictions. They referred 
for proof of these assertions to their expeditions 
against Louisbourg and Spanish America, and to the 



16 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

bravery displayed in the war against the French in 
North America. 

In their petition they assured the king, that not- 
withstanding their sufferings, they retained too high a 
regard for the kingdom from which they derived their 
origin to request anything which might be inconsistent 
with her dignity or welfare. " These," they observed, 
" related as we are to her, honour and duty, as well 
as inclination, induce us to support and advance." 
" At the conclusion of the last war, the Genius of 
England and the spirit of wisdom, as if offended at the 
ungrateful treatment of her sons, withdrew from the 
British councils, and left the nation a prey to a race 
of ministers, with whom ancient English honesty and 
benevolence disdained to dwell." They did not com- 
plain of Parliament, for it had done them no wrong, 
" but solely of the measures of ministers." 

In 1764, a bill was framed laying heavy duties 
(payable into the British treasury in specie) on all ar- 
ticles imported into the colonies from the French and 
other islands in the West Indies. This was followed 
by an act restraining the currency of paper money. 
In 1765, to complete the link so unjustly begun, was 
passed Grenville's famous Stamp Act, the prelude to 
the most tremendous and destructive quarrel that had 
befallen Britain for several ages. It was styled " the 
folly of England and ruin of America." 

The colonists were now completely roused ; but at 
the same time conducted their measures with great 
wisdom, perseverance, and resolution. They united 
in a general opposition to the views of ministers, who 
disregarded their petitions and the statements of their 



OPENING OF THE REVOLUTION. 17 

agents ; and although some acts favourable to the com- 
merce of the colonies were passed, the people became 
suspicious, and placed no reliance on the good-will of 
the British government. They especially mistrusted 
the king. Resolutions were adopted to make no 
further importations from Great Britain ; and so far 
was the encouragement of domestic manufactures 
persevered in, that the use of all elegancies was laid 
aside, and the eating of lamb suspended in order to 
encourage the raising of wool. 

In 1766 Parliament repealed the Stamp Act ; thus 
affording unequivocal proof of the folly and short- 
sightedness under which that measure was passed. 
Intelligence of the event filled the colonies with exulta- 
tion ; and the rude domestic articles with which they 
had long served themselves, were speedily exchanged 
for the more comfortable ones of British manufacture. 
But the mother country soon showed that she was 
by no means disposed to yield her fancied authority. 
In that year Dr. Franklin was expelled from the Post 
Office Department ; and in the next, duties were im- 
posed on tea and other articles of importation. The 
colonists remonstrated against this new aggression, 
and petitioned the king in every possible form ; but 
their efforts were treated with coldness and contempt. 
The evil star of Britain had arisen, soon to wither 
her dazzling superiority as a nation, and sever her 
widely-extended dominions for ever. 

The colonial remonstrances against this measure 
were regarded by the ruling powers of England only 
with anger and indignation. Ministers were equally 
chagrined and astonished to find that a great portion 

2* B 



18 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

of the British nation espoused the cause of America. 
But, disregarding all opposition to Parliament, all re- 
monstrances of th^ colonists, as well as petitions from 
the United Kingdom, the government madly proceeded 
in the prosecution of its impracticable schemes. At 
this period the fame and grandeur of Great Britain 
were so great, that no one imagined that the colonies 
would presume to dispute any measure dictated by the 
ministry. The splendid triumphs of the British nation 
in all parts of the world, had excited the jealousy of 
Europe ; and the idea of the colonists risking a trial 
of prowess with the armies and fleets which had de- 
feated the combined strength of France and Spain, 
was considered presumptuous and visionary. It was, 
therefore, matter of astonishment to learn the extraor- 
dinary and resolute conduct of the Americans in op- 
posing the restrictions on their commerce, and the 
operation of the Stamp and Tea Acts. From the 
period of the abolishment of the Stamp Act, in 1766, 
until the cargoes of the tea-ships were thrown over- 
board, in December, 1773, included a period of seven 
years of solemn resistance to arbitrary power. 





THE BOSTON MASSACRE. 




N 1768, three British regiments arrived 
in Boston, for the purpose of assisting 
the governor and civil powers in main- 
taining peace. This greatly increased 
the discontents of the colonists, who 
looked upon the soldiery as a standing 
f— ^-— * ^ army, sent to enforce unjust legislation. 
Mutual jealousies produced unfortunate disputes, 
which increased to such an extent as to threaten the 
most serious consequences. Each day gave rise to 
new occurrences which augmented the animosity. 
Reciprocal jealousies soured the tempers of the oppo- 
site parties, and were followed by mutual injuries. 
Events were verging to a crisis — dark and fearful. 

At length, a private of the twenty-ninth regiment, 
passing along (March 2d, 1770) near Mr. John Gray's 



20 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

rope-walk, was driven away by the populace in con- 
sequence of having resented some insulting words. 
He returned soon after with a dozen soldiers, between 
whom and the rope-makers an affray ensued, which 
terminated in the defeat of the former. In the after- 
noon they armed themselves with clubs, and were on 
the way to renew the action, but were stopped. Many 
of the townspeople were so enraged at this, as to 
determine on a renewal of the engagement the follow- 
ing Monday. The Rev. Dr. Elliot was informed of 
this on Saturday, and also that the city bells were to 
be rung on that day in order to bring the inhabitants 
together. It does not appear that any militia were 
called in before the attack upon the people, or that any 
regular plan was formed for compelling the British 
troops to move from the town. On the other hand, 
it is absurd to suppose that there was a settled plot 
for employing the soldiers to massacre the inhabitants. 
Yet that some design was in progress, previous to the 
attack, is evident from the subsequent evidence of 
Lieutenant-Colonel Marshall : — " The bells were ring- 
ing, and the people began to collect as they do at the 
cry of fire. I had a mind to go out ; but I had a re- 
luctance, because J had been warned not to go out that 
night /" 

Between seven and eight o'clock, on the evening 
of the 5th, numbers of men came from the southern 
part of the town with sticks and other weapons in their 
hands ; at the same time about two hundred ran from 
the north section, armed in the same manner, and 
uttering loud execrations against the soldiers. Several 
parties collected in Dock Square, and about nine o'clock 



THE BOSTON MASSACRE. 21 

attacked some soldiers belonging to Murray's bar- 
racks. An officer immediately appeared, and with 
much difficulty succeeded in getting the troops under 
shelter, and restrained them from firing. Part of the 
mob dared the soldiers to fire; others cried fire, in 
order to draw more people toward them; and soon 
after the city bells commenced ringing for the same 
purpose. 

As the soldiers were now under shelter, several 
persons endeavoured to persuade the mob to retire ; 
but, instead of doing so, they commenced tearing up 
the stalls of the market place in Dock Square. After 
this they assembled in the street, and were addressed 
by a tall man, in a large cloak and white wig ; after 
which they separated into three divisions, and pro- 
ceeded by different roads to King Street. 

Meanwhile an assault was made upon the sentry 
at the custom-house. It was commenced by a boy, 
who pointed to the soldier and exclaimed that he had 
knocked him down. On hearing this, about twenty 
young men called out, "Kill him! Kill him! Knock him 
down !" and came so near as to oblige the sentry to 
load his gun. The mob then pelted him with snow- 
balls, pieces of ice, and other missiles, and dared him 
to fire. As they advanced he mounted the steps, and 
knocked at the door for admittance ; but this not 
being opened, and the people pressing nearer, he called 
to the main guard for protection. Captain Preston, 
who was then officer of the day, being told that the 
ringing of the bells was the signal for the inhabitants 
to attack the troops, repaired to the main guard ; and 
learning the situation of the sentry, despatched a 



22 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

corporal and six men, to protect both him and the 
king's chest in the custom-house. The soldiers march- 
ed with their pieces unloaded, followed by the captain, 
to prevent disorder. They were used as the sentry 
had been, and obliged to load for their own safety. 
The shouts, threats, screams, and yells of the mob, 
accompanied by the ringing of bells, alarmed the 
soldiers, who began exhorting them to keep off. At 
this moment, a gigantic mulatto, named Attucks, ac- 
companied by about a dozen persons in sailor habits, 
reached the custom-house, gave three cheers, sur- 
rounded the soldiers and struck their guns with clubs, 
at the same time crying out, " Do not be afraid of 
them — they dare not fire — kill them, kill them — knock 
them over," &c. The mulatto aimed a blow at Captain 
Preston, struck down one of the guns, and seized the 
bayonet with his left hand. At this moment some 
one cried, " Why don't you fire ?" and the words were 
scarcely uttered, before the fallen soldier sprang to 
his feet, levelled his gun, and fired. Attucks fell dead. 
In a few seconds another fired, and was followed by 
five in quick succession. Three persons were killed, 
five dangerously wounded, and a few slightly. The 
mob rushed back on all sides, but soon after returned 
to carry off the dead. 

The whole town was immediately in commotion. 
Drums beat to arms, bells were ringing in all direc- 
tions, and a constant cry was heard — " To arms ! To 
arms ! Turn out with your guns /" The governor, 
Mr. Hutchinson, prevailed on the mob to disperse for 
the night ; but on the following morning the whole 
town met in full assembly, and appointed a committee 



THE BOSTON MASSACRE. 



23 




Samuel Ada ms. 



to wait upon the governor with the following message : 
"It is the unanimous opinion of the meeting that 
nothing can rationally be expected to restore the peace 
of the town, and prevent blood and carnage, but the 
immediate removal of the troops." In the afternoon 
the lieutenant-governor received a similar message 
from about three thousand people. Mr. Samuel 
Adams, one of the committee, in his venerable gray 
locks, and with hands trembling under a nervous 
affection, told Colonel Dalrymple, "If you can re- 
move the Twenty-ninth regiment, you can also remove 
the Fourteenth ; and it is at your peril if you do not !" 
Governor Hutchinson replied, that nothing should 
ever induce him to order the troops away ; but agreed 



24 



REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 



to leave the matter to Colonel Dalrymple. After much 
altercation and tumult, the troops were removed. 

On the 8th of March, the funeral of the first re- 
volutionary martyrs took place. The shops were 
closed, and the bells of Boston, Charlestown, and Rox- 
bury tolled in the most doleful manner. The different 
processions formed a junction in King Street, where 
the soldiers had fired. Hence they proceeded through 
the main street, accompanied by a concourse so large 
that the ranks walked six abreast, followed by a long 
train of carriages belonging to the principal gentry 
of the town. 

On the 24th of October, Captain Preston's trial 
commenced, and was followed by that of the eight 
soldiers. All were acquitted except two, who were 
convicted of manslaughter. John Adams and Josiah 
Quincy, two of the most active popular leaders, acted 
as counsel for the prisoners. The result of this trial 
was in the highest degree honourable to our judiciary; 
demonstrating that amid all the tumult of passion, and 
deep sense of recent suffering, justice was still the 
only aim of the colonists. 





John Hancock. 



AFFAIR OF THE SLOOP LIBERTY. 




T had been the practice in 
every quarter of British 
America for the officers of 
the customs to allow mer- 
chants and shipmasters to 
enter in the custom-house 
books only a part of their 
imported cargoes, and to 



26 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

land the remainder duty-free. To this practice, which 
became so inveterate that the colonists regarded the 
advantage accruing from it as a right, rather than an 
indulgence, the commissioners resolved to put a 
stop. 

A sloop called the Liberty, belonging to Hancock, 
having arrived at Boston laden with wine from Ma- 
deira (June 10, 1768), the captain, as usual, proposed 
to the tidewaiter who came to inspect the cargo, that 
part of it should be landed duty-free ; but, meeting a 
refusal, laid violent hands upon him, and, with the 
assistance of the crew, locked him up in the cabin till 
the whole cargo was carried ashore. The next morn- 
ing he entered a few pipes of the wine at the custom- 
house, as having formed all his lading ; but the com- 
missioners of the customs, insisting that the entry 
was deceptive, caused the sloop to be arrested. To 
secure the capture, it was proposed that the vessel 
should be removed from the wharf and towed under 
the guns of the Romney man-of-war; and, by the 
assistance of the Romney's boats, this was accord- 
ingly performed, in spite of the opposition of a great 
assemblage of people, who, finding their remon- 
strances disregarded, assaulted the custom-house offi- 
cers with a violence that had nearly proved fatal to 
their lives. (June 12.) 

On the following day, the populace, again as- 
sembling before the houses of the collector, comp- 
troller, and inspector-general of the customs, broke 
their windows, and then, seizing the collector's boat, 
dragged it through the town and burned it on the 
common. Their violence, whether satiated or not, 



AFFAIR OF THE SLOOP LIBERTY. 27 

was checked at this point by the flight of the com- 
missioners and other officers of the customs, who, 
learning that renewed assemblages of the people were 
expected, and believing or affecting to believe that 
further outrages were meditated against themselves, 
hastily left the place, and took refuge, first on board 
the ship-of-war, and afterwards in Castle William. 
(June 13.) 

The city, meanwhile, resounded with complaints 
of the insult that was offered to the inhabitants in re- 
moving the sloop from the wharf, and thus proclaim- 
ing apprehensions of a rescue. These complaints 
were sanctioned by the assembly, who declared that 
the criminality of the rioters was extenuated by the 
irritating and unprecedented circumstance of the 
seizure ; but added, nevertheless, that, as the rioters 
deserved severe punishment, they must beseech the 
governor to direct that they should be prosecuted, 
and to proclaim a reward for their discovery. The 
rioters, however, had nothing to fear ; nor was any 
one of them ever molested. 

A suit for penalties was afterwards instituted 
against Hancock in the Court of Admiralty ; but the 
officers of the crown, finding it beyond their power to 
adduce sufficient evidence of facts, which, though 
everybody knew, nobody would attest, abandoned the 
prosecution and restored the vessel. The conduct of 
the officers in taxing the people, by implication, with 
the purpose of rescue, was generally condemned. It 
was, indeed, remarked by the few who ventured to 
defend it, that a rescue had actually taken place eigh- 
teen months before. But to this the advocates of the 



28 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

people replied, that the popular temper had undergone 
a change since then, — as was verified by the fact that 
no subsequent rescue had been attempted ; — a fact the 
more certain, though the less significant, as in reality 
no seizure in the interim had been made. 

Unluckily, about a month after the arrest of Han- 
cock's vessel, a schooner, which was seized with a 
smuggled cargo of molasses, and left at the wharf 
under the care of the custom-house officers, was 
boarded during the night by a numerous body of men, 
who easily overpowered and confined the officers, and 
carried the cargo on shore. The inhabitants in 
general were greatly scandalized to find their recent 
declarations so completely falsified; and the Select- 
men of Boston, sending for the master of the schooner, 
ordered him to surrender the molasses directly, under 
pain of the displeasure of the town. He obeyed this 
injunction without a moment's hesitation. 




AFFAIR OF THE GASPEE. 



>N act of violence committed by 
the colonists of Rhode Island, 
excited general attention, from 
its significance as an indication 
of the height to which the gene- 
ral current of American senti- 
ment was rising (1772). The 
commander of the Gaspee, an 
armed British schooner stationed at Providence, had 
exerted much activity in supporting the trade laws 




oO REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

and punishing the increasing contraband traffic of the 
Americans ; and had provoked additional resentment 
by firing at the Providence packets, in order to com- 
pel them to salute his flag by lowering theirs as they 
passed his vessel, and by chasing them even into the 
docks, in case of refusal. 

The master of a packet conveying passengers to 
Providence (June 9), which was fired at and chased 
by the Gaspee for neglecting to pay the requisite tri- 
bute of respect, took advantage of the state of the 
tide (it being almost high water), to stand in so closely 
to the shore, that the Gaspee, in the pursuit, might be 
exposed to run aground. The artifice succeeded ; 
the Gaspee presently stuck fast, and the packet pro- 
ceeded in triumph to Providence, where a strong sen- 
sation was excited by the tidings of the occurrence, 
and a project was hastily formed to improve the blow 
and destroy the obnoxious vessel. Brown, an eminent 
merchant, and Whipple, a ship-master, took the lead 
in this bold adventure, and easily collected a sufficient 
band of armed and resolute men, with whom they em- 
barked in whale-boats to attack the British ship-of- 
war. At two o'clock the next morning (June 10), 
they boarded the Gaspee so suddenly and in such 
numbers, that her crew were instantly overpowered, 
without hurt to any one except her commanding 
officer, who was wounded. The captors, having 
despatched a part of their number to convey him 
together with his private effects and his crew ashore, 
set fire to the Gaspee, and destroyed her with all her 
stores. 

The issue of this daring act of war against the 



AFFAIR OF THE GASPEE 



33 



naval force of the king was as remarkable as the en- 
terprise itself. The British government offered a 
reward of five hundred pounds, together with a par- 
don if claimed by an accomplice, for the discovery 
and apprehension of any person concerned in the 
treasonable attack on the Gaspee ; and a commission 
under the great seal of England appointed Wanton, 
the governor of Rhode Island, Peter Oliver, the new 
chief-justice of Massachusetts, Auchmuty, the judge- 
admiral of America, and certain other persons, to pre- 
side upon the trial of the offenders. 

But no trial took place. Nobody came forward 
to claim the proffered reward ; some persons, who 
were apprehended in the hope that they might be in- 
duced by threats and terror to become witnesses, were 
enabled by popular assistance to escape before any 
information could be extracted from them ; and in the 
commencement of the following year, the commis- 
sioners reported to the British ministry their inability, 
notwithstanding the most diligent inquisition, to pro- 
cure evidence or information against a single indi- 
vidual. 





THE TEA RIOT. 




N consequence of the pertinacious 
and successful exclusion of tea, 
that article had accumulated in 
the warehouses of the India Com- 
pany, occasioning to them great 
loss. It was accordingly pro- 
posed, that the British duty of a shilling a pound 
should be drawn back on the import into America, 
where one of only threepence was to be imposed. 
The colonists, who would thus procure it cheaper 
than the English, might, it was hoped, be gently 
manoeuvred out of the principle for which they so 



THE TEA RIOT. 37 

obstinately contended. It was almost madness to 
renew in any shape a contest in which the government 
had been so repeatedly worsted; though this was 
really a small measure to issue in a vast rebellion, — 
a slender spark to kindle such a mighty conflagration. 
We must reproach the parliamentary friends of 
America, that they sounded no note of alarm, and 
this momentous vote passed in the usual silent and 
unregarded manner. 

The intelligence, when it reached the colonies, 
strongly roused the determination of the popular lead- 
ers. They were sensible, as is admitted by all their 
advocates, that if the tea were once landed and offer- 
ed for sale at the cheap rate which these arrange- 
ments allowed, nothing could prevent its being bought 
and consumed ; a circumstance whifch by no means 
indicates a very fervid zeal among the mass of the 
people. Large vessels, however, were already cross- 
ing the Atlantic, laden with this commodity, the in- 
troduction of which on so extensive a scale would 
completely break up their grand principle of non- 
taxation. They therefore determined to exert their 
utmost efforts to prevent the landing ; and possessing 
a paramount influence in the mercantile ports, ex- 
torted a promise from the consignee to refuse it, and 
thus oblige the vessels to carry back their lading. 
Unfortunately, the agents at Boston rejected this de- 
mand, and appealed to the governor, who promised 
protection ; but a mob was quickly collected, their 
houses were broken into, and themselves compelled 
to take refuge in Castle William. On the other 
hand, the governor and custom-house officers even 
4 



38 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

refused to permit the vessels which had arrived to 
depart without landing the tea. A general meeting 
of the inhabitants was then called, when resolutions 
were entered into to oppose such a proceeding ; and 
a guard was appointed, who watched night and day 
to prevent any portion of the cargo from being sent 
ashore. Some time after, another great assemblage 
met at Faneuil Hall, where one party recommended 
moderate measures ; but the majority discovered a 
violent spirit, and some undoubtedly desired to urge 
on steps which might issue in a total rupture. Mr. 
Quincy warned them, that a spirit was now necessary 
different from any hitherto displayed ; they were ad- 
vancing to " measures which must bring on the most 
trying and terrible struggle this.* country ever saw." 
The captain, who now sought to extricate himself 
from the affair, was allowed to make a last application 
to the governor for permission to depart ; but having 
returned and reported a refusal, the meeting separated. 
Immediately after, the harbour was thronged by a 
vast multitude, seventeen of whom, disguised as Mo- 
hawk Indians, went on board the ships, took full 
possession of them, and deliberately emptied the 
whole of their cargoes into the sea. 





Fanueil Hall. 



THE BOSTON PORT BILL. 




HEN intelligence of so fla- 
grant an outrage as the 
destruction of government 
stores by a lawless mob 
reached Parliament, mea- 
sures of extreme severity 
were immediately adopted. 
These were not akin to 
Lord North's disposition ; 
but he was probably goaded on by others, reproached 
for his previous concessions, and keenly sensible to 



40 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

this total failure of his own favourite scheme. Now, 
he said, was the time to stand out, to defy them, to 
proceed with firmness and without fear. Boston was 
the centre whence all the present disorders emanated. 
It had been the ringleader in every riot, and set 
always the example which others only followed. To 
inflict a signal penalty on this city would be to strike 
at the root of the evil. He quoted several instances, 
as the murder of Dr. Lamb in London, under 
Charles II., and the execution of Captain Porteous 
by the Edinburgh mob, in which a whole city had 
been, punished for an offence committed by a large 
body of its inhabitants. It was proposed, therefore, 
that the port of Boston should be closed, and no 
goods allowed to be either shipped or landed. 

This interdict was to continue till the citizens 
should express a due sense of their error, and make 
full compensation to the company ; when the crown, 
if it should see sufficient reason, might restore its lost 
privileges. 

This motion, so big with war and disaster, when 
made in the House of Commons, met with such eager 
concurrence, that the very few who attempted oppo- 
sition could not without extreme difficulty obtain a 
hearing. Alderman Sawbridge was obliged to tell 
them, that though he could not speak long, he could 
sit long. Even Colonel Barre, the standing advocate 
for America, said he approved of this measure for its 
moderation. Some zealous supporters of authority 
indulged in the most imprudent violence of invective 
against the Americans. Mr. Herbert described them 
as a strange set of people, from whom it was vain to 



THE BOSTON PORT BILL. 41 

expect any degree of reasoning ; they always chose 
tarring and feathering. Mr. Montague, second son 
to Lord Sandwich, attributed their boldness to the 
tame counsels, the weak and unmanly conduct of 
ministers, who allowed themselves to be swayed by 
a faction seeking popularity by clamour, and com- 
posed of the " vilest excrement of the earth." Mr. 
Van drew still greater attention, by declaring that 
the port ought to be knocked about their ears and 
destroyed, adding the quotation, " delenda est Car- 
thago.'''' 

The second reading passed without a division; 
but a petition was then presented by the lord mayor 
from a number of American settlers resident in 
London. It urged that the citizens of Boston had 
not been heard in their own defence, nor redress 
sought at common law. The place was not walled, 
nor held any executive power, and the offence had 
not even been committed within its limits. They 
proceeded, in very bold language, to observe that the 
attachment of their countrymen could not survive the 
justice of Great Britain, — a violation of which might 
extinguish the filial sentiments hitherto cherished. 
Some opposition was now mustered, Mr. Fuller pro- 
posing merely the imposition of a fine. Mr. Burke 
began that series of splendid orations which he 
devoted to the cause of American liberty. He 
denounced this confounding of the innocent and 
guilty, and expressed his heartfelt sorrow at the 
general aspect of affairs; the universal resistance of 
all America ; one town in proscription, the rest in 
rebellion ; not a port on its coast where goods could 
4* 



42 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

be landed and vended. The consequences would be 
dreadful, nay, he was afraid, destructive ; and he 
gave the prophetic warning, that ministers would 
draw upon themselves a foreign enemy at a time 
they little expected. 

Two former governors, Johnstone and Pownall, 
expressed themselves earnestly in favour of the 
Americans ; the former declaring he had advised the 
company against sending the tea, and was sure the 
affair would issue in rebellion. The latter excited 
the laughter of the house, by extolling the people for 
their love of order and peace. But it is remarkable, 
that none of their advocates now disputed the right 
of taxation. Mr. Dowdeswell referred to a time when 
this had been doubted by persons of great knowledge,- 
now there was no such opinion ; the policy only was 
questioned. It is remarkable that Mr. Fox on this 
occasion made his first appearance in parliamentary 
life, by objecting to the power vested in the crown 
of reopening the port ; a suggestion which was not 
supported by either party. 

The bill passed without a division. In the Lords, 
however, it encountered a stronger opposition from 
certain noblemen of great eminence and talent, par- 
ticularly Rockingham, Shelburne, and Richmond ; but 
the debates have not been preserved, and it passed 
finally without any protest. 

However severe this measure, it seems not im- 
probable that, had the minister stopped there, affairs 
might yet have been adjusted. Unhappily, the recol- 
lection of the advices of Bernard and Hutchinson, the 
long and obstinate opposition of the Massachusetts 



THE BOSTON PORT BILL. 



43 




Lord George Germain. 



government, the recent outrage doubtless supported 
by some of its members, impelled to a determination 
of proceeding further, and divesting Boston of those 
privileges, certainly ample, which it had hitherto 
enjoyed. The town-meetings were to be prohibited, 
unless with the consent of the governor, who was 
also to have the appointment of all civil officers, 
except the supreme judges." On the suggestion of 
Lord George Germain, who warmly seconded the 
motion, the council was to be nominated solely by 
the crown, and juries to be chosen in a less popular 
manner. All the advocates of America, including 
Colonel Barre, and others who had acquiesced in the 
first bill, encountered the present with decided hos- 



44 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

tility. The opposition divided against it, though 
mustering only sixty-four to two hundred and thirty- 
nine. In the Lords it was resisted with greater 
energy, and voted against, though only by twenty to 
ninety-two ; but eleven signed a protest. 

While this bill was going through its stages, the 
minister crowned the whole by a third, respecting 
individuals charged with offences against the state. 
According to a law formerly passed, but never exe- 
cuted, they might be conveyed for trial either to 
Britain or to some other colony. There was doubt- 
less little prospect in New England of convicting 
them by jury for offences in which their countrymen 
generally sympathized ; still, the being removed for 
trial to a remote country, the inhabitants of which 
were generally hostile, was a measure full of hardship 
and terror. Barre denounced it as big with misery 
and apprehension to America, and of danger to Great 
Britain. Let the banner of rebellion be once spread, 
and the British were an undone people. Ministers 
were urging this desperate, this destructive issue, and 
with such violence as if insurrection were their de- 
liberate purpose. Alderman Sawbridge declared, if 
the provincials submitted, they would be the most 
abject slaves that ever the earth produced. Pownall 
loudly predicted a congress, and perhaps a war. 

At the same time, another petition was presented 
by the resident Americans, describing the state to 
which these bills would reduce their countrymen as 
one of total slavery. While boasting of their loyal 
feelings, and their horror at an unnatural contest, 
they indicated not obscurely that such must be the 



THE BOSTON PORT BILL 



45 



result of an attempt to execute these laws. The bill 
however, passed in a thinner house, but with even a 
larger majority than the former, one hundred and 
twenty-seven to twenty-four. In the Lords, though 
there was a similar opposition, and a protest by eight 
peers, it was carried by forty-nine to twelve. 





Carpenter's Hall. 



FIRST CONTINENTAL CONGRESS -CONSEQUENT 
PARLIAMENTARY PROCEEDINGS. 



Mg=**£=SkM^s=* HE Congress, destined to change 
the face of America, met at Car- 
penter's Hall, Philadelphia, on 
the 5th of September, 1774. 
They determined that their de- 
liberations should be secret, that 
the results should be given to 
the world as unanimous, and no 
-as- difference of opinion allowed to 
transpire. A committee was immediately appointed 
to report upon the rights violated, the injuries sus- 
tained, and the means of redress. Separate ones 




FIRST CONTINENTAL CONGRESS. 47 

were afterwards named to prepare addresses to the 
people of Great Britain, to the king, to the colonists, 
and to the Canadians. 

These documents being submitted to Congress, 
and having undergone some revisal and alteration, 
were produced to the world. The grievances com- 
plained of were chiefly the imposition of taxes by the 
British Parliament, the quartering of troops, and the 
several acts relating to Massachusetts. Their de- 
mand was, to be replaced in exactly the same state as 
at the conclusion of the last war. No mention was 
introduced of the Pennsylvanian conciliatory propo- 
sitions, — the voluntary grant of a revenue, or com- 
pensation to the company. No acknowledgment was 
made of any errors committed by their countrymen, 
requiring apology or atonement. They merely un- 
dertook to provide for their civil government, for an 
effective militia, and in case of war, to exert their 
most strenuous efforts in granting supplies and raising 
men. The people of Massachusetts were strictly 
enjoined not to submit to any act under the new 
constitution. The time, however, was considered not 
yet come for resisting by force. They were to make 
an attempt to gain their objects by a solemn engage- 
ment, that, after the 1st of December, 1774, no article 
should be imported from the mother country or her 
colonies ; and if, by the 10th of September, 1775, their 
demands were not satisfied, all exports to these 
quarters should cease. 

In the petition to the king, their expressions of 
duty and loyalty were strong, — more so than in the 
first draft, which, in this respect, was considered 



48 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

deficient. To the people of Britain they expressed 
an ardent desire to maintain the union as their 
greatest glory and happiness, and to contribute with 
their utmost power to the welfare of the whole 
empire. They concluded, however, — " but if you are 
determined that your ministers shall wantonly sport 
with the rights of mankind ; if neither the voice of 
justice, the dictates of the law, the principles of the 
constitution, or the suggestions of humanity, can 
restrain your hands from shedding human blood in 
such an impious cause, we must then tell you, that 
we will never submit to be hewers of wood or 
drawers of water for any ministry or nation in the 
world." 

The intelligence of most of these proceedings had 
reached Britain before the meeting of Parliament in 
November, 1774. The king's speech announced the 
violences committed in Massachusetts and counte- 
nanced by the other colonies, declaring a resolution 
to withstand every attempt to weaken or impair the 
authority of the British legislature. This was re- 
echoed by large majorities in both houses, though 
under a protest by nine lords, a proceeding very 
unusual on such occasions. Parliament was soon 
after prorogued ; and ministers do not seem to have 
formed any fixed resolution, as they made no increase 
in the votes either for the army or navy. In the 
course of the recess, however, further intelligence 
being received, the determination was at length 
formed to employ coercive measures. As a prelude, 
Lord North, when the houses met on the 19th of 
January, 1775, laid before them a large mass of 




Lord Chaiha 



PROCEEDINGS OF PARLIAMENT. 51 

documents received from the governors of the dif- 
ferent colonies, and which were submitted to a com- 
mittee. 

On the 20th, proceedings were opened by Lord 
Chatham proposing an address to the king for the 
removal of the troops from Boston. " Something," 
he said, " must be done instantly ; there must be no 
further delay — no, not for a moment ; the thing might 
be over ; one drop of blood shed, and the wound was 
incurable." This army could serve no useful purpose, 
since it could never subdue the whole American 
people ; it was an army of impotence — an army 
of irritation. He again justified the colonists in 
resisting such measures as those imposed on them, 
and panegyrized the congress as having displayed a 
higher wisdom than the assemblies of ancient Greece ; 
he wished the young men of Great Britain would 
imitate them. The oppressive acts must be repealed. 
"I pledge myself for it, that you will in the end 
repeal them. I stake my reputation on it. I will 
consent to be taken for an idiot, if they are not." It 
is better then to concede with a good grace, than to 
hold out till compelled by necessity. Yet he still 
stood for the legislative supremacy of England, 
and even conceived that without it the British crown 
would not be worth the wearing. The motion was 
supported by Shelburne, Camden, Rockingham, and 
Richmond; but ministers urged, not without some 
reason, that to recede at this moment, after having 
gone so far, and in the face of such a daring re- 
sistance, would really amount to a complete sub- 
mission, and involve the loss of all their authority. 



52 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

They reproached the mover with sowing divisions, 
and giving encouragement to the malecontents. The 
motion was negatived by sixty-eight to eighteen. 
Chatham, however, immediately followed it up by 
a bill for settling the transatlantic troubles. It pro- 
posed to renounce the power of taxation, but to call 
upon Congress to acknowledge the supreme legislative 
power of Britain, and invite them to make a free 
grant of a certain annual revenue, to be employed in 
meeting the charge on the national debt. All the 
obnoxious acts were then to be repealed. The Earl 
of Dartmouth was willing that it should lie on the 
table ; but this was strongly condemned and opposed 
by the other members, and, after a warm debate, 
was negatived, though thirty-two against sixty-one 
voted in its favour. Lord Camden afterwards bitterly 
reproached the house, that a plan coming from so 
high a quarter should, without examination, have been 
spurned and trampled upon. " Obliterate," said he, 
" the transaction from your records ; let not posterity 
know it." 

The minister, meantime, in a committee of the 
Commons, intimated his plans for coercing the colo- 
nies, by sending out an additional force, and by 
crushing the foreign trade and fisheries of New 
England. He proposed an address approving these 
measures, declaring Massachusetts to be in rebellion, 
and assuring his majesty of full support in main- 
taining his just rights and those of Parliament. After 
some stormy debates, in which the usual arguments 
were reiterated, it was carried in both houses ; in the 
lower by two hundred and ninety-six to one hundred 



PROCEEDINGS OF PARLIAMENT. 53 

and six; in the upper by eighty-seven to twenty- 
seven, eighteen peers protesting. This was followed, 
on a royal message, by an additional vote of two 
thousand seamen, and four thousand four hundred 
land troops. The minister then brought into the 
Commons his anti-commercial bill against New 
England, afterwards extended to the other colonies. 
This was represented as a just punishment for their 
contumacious proceedings, and only a fair retaliation 
of the similar course adopted by Congress. It en- 
countered the usual opposition, Lord Camden saying : 
" It is a bill of war — it draws the sword." Rash and 
contemptuous expressions were used by members on 
the government side. General Grant declared that, 
with five regiments of infantry, he could drive them 
from one end of the continent to the other. Lord 
Sandwich described them as a raw, undisciplined, 
cowardly rabble, who, at the • first sound of cannon, 
would run off as fast as their feet could carry them ; 
their real object, he declared, was to defraud their 
creditors. Lord Suffolk, secretary of state, censured 
the use of contumelious expressions, and represented 
the measure to be merely temporary, with the view 
of bringing the Americans to their duty. It was 
carried, as usual, by large majorities, — one hundred 
and eighty-eight to fifty-eight in the one house, and 
seventy-three to twenty-one in the other. 

After this series of coercive measures, Lord North, 
who had occasionally shown some symptoms of re- 
lenting, surprised the house by a conciliatory propo- 
sition. Its tenor was, that when the assembly in any 

colony should propose, besides maintaining its own 

5* 



54 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

civil government, to raise a certain revenue, and 
make it disposable by Parliament, it would be proper 
to forbear imposing any tax unless for the regulation 
of commerce. To these terms, it was objected by 
the parliamentary friends of the colonists, and after- 
wards by themselves, that they remedied no grievance 
except taxation, and even on that head contained 
nothing specific. It referred all to a future decision 
of the British legislature, in whose friendly disposition 
they were far from confiding. The premier had also 
to sustain a hot fire from his usual supporters, who 
branded this step as grossly inconsistent with the 
address and with all the other measures. He was 
obliged to represent that the rejection of these terms, 
admitted as highly probable, would at least increase 
the number of the well-affected, and divide the male- 
contents. The proposal was carried by two hundred 
and seventy-four to eighty-eight. Mr. Burke then 
brought forward, and eloquently supported, a series 
of resolutions, in which, without entering into any 
question of speculative right, a complete practical 
concession was made of the points in dispute. Their 
fate might be easily conjectured, being negatived by 
two hundred and seventy to seventy-eight. 

The mercantile interest, however, smarting under 
the cessation of intercourse, adopted with ardour the 
cause of the colonists. On the 10th of April, an 
address was presented to the king by the lord mayor, 
aldermen, and livery of London, condemning all the 
late measures against the Americans, and pronouncing 
their resistance justifiable. A stern answer was re- 
turned, expressing astonishment that any subject 



FAILURE OF NEGOTIATIONS. 55 

should be capable of abetting and encouraging such 
rebellious courses. 

The British government appears, after all, to have 
cherished a strong desire for pacification. Doctor 
Franklin being still resident in London, two gen- 
tlemen, with the consent of some of the ministry, 
earnestly solicited him to suggest some conciliatory 
plan. He drew up, under the title of " Hints," seven- 
teen propositions, embracing of course all the de- 
mands of America, conceding payment for the tea, 
and certain contributions of revenue. While these 
were under discussion, Lord Howe procured an in- 
troduction to him, and expressed an earnest wish for 
reconciliation, though he was afraid the terms would 
never be accepted. On the 4th of February, 1775, 
however, two months after their delivery, an answer 
was returned, agreeing, in an extent at least likely to 
be satisfactory, to the whole, except the abolition of 
the new constitution of Massachusetts. This, it was 
said, as being a real improvement, and as a standing 
example of the power of Parliament, must be con- 
tinued. Franklin answered, that the claim of altering 
the charters and rights upon which the governments 
were founded, without the consent of the parties to 
whom they had been granted, was one which could 
never be submitted to. Yet another series of pro- 
posals were on the 16th of February presented from 
the ministry, but as they did not concede this article, 
the negotiation was unhappily broken up. 




ORGANIZATION OF THE MINUTE-MEN. 




OTWITHSTANDING the numer- 
ous attempts at pacification, the 
breach between England and Massa- 
chusetts was daily widening. Al- 
though allegiance to the mother 
country was professedly maintained, 
yet the governor found himself unable 
to enforce even the slightest commands. Orders for 
the meeting of an Assembly at Salem, had been 
issued by General Gage on the 5th of October ; but 
fearing that, from the condition of popular feeling, 
they might adopt measures prejudicial to the royal 
authority, he subsequently countermanded the order. 
This measure gave so much dissatisfaction, that on 
the day appointed the representatives actually met, 



MINUTE-MEN. 57 

organized themselves into a provincial congress, and 
adjourned to Concord. 

Here they made choice of Hancock to be their 
president, and appointed a committee to present to the 
governor a remonstrance against all his recent mea- 
sures, concluding with an earnest request that he would 
desist from the construction of the fortress which he 
was erecting at the entrance of Boston, " and restore 
that place to its neutral state." Gage, who, though 
capable of dissimulation, possessed a hotter temper 
than befitted his elevated station and difficult pre- 
dicament, took fire at this language ; he expressed the 
warmest displeasure at the supposition of danger 
from English troops to any but the enemies of Eng- 
land; and desired the committee to convey to the 
congress his warning counsel that they should hasten 
to desist from their illegal proceedings. Disregarding 
his admonition and defying his power, the provincial 
congress adjourned to Cambridge, where, relieved 
from all doubts of the general support of America, 
they embraced and pursued measures of unexampled 
boldness and vigour. They appointed a committee to 
prepare a plan for the immediate defence of the pro- 
vince ; gave orders for the enlistment of a number of 
the inhabitants to be in readiness, at a minute' 1 s warn- 
ing, to appear in arms ; elected three general officers 
(Preble, Ward, and Pomeroy) to command these 
minute-men and the provincial militia in case of their 
being called to active service ; and appointed a coun- 
cil of safety and a committee of supplies. One of the 
secretaries whom they elected was Benjamin Lincoln, 
afterwards a general in the American service, and 



58 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

highly distinguished as a gallant and indefatigable 
partisan of his country's cause. Reassembling after 
an adjournment of a few weeks (November), the same 
congress, sensible that their countrymen applauded 
their measures, and that their constituents were pre- 
pared to yield implicit obedience to their decrees, 
passed an ordinance for the equipment of twelve 
thousand men to act on any emergency, and for the 
enlistment of a fourth part of the militia as minute- 
men ; appointed two additional general officers, 
Thomas and Heath; and sent delegates to New 
Hampshire, Rhode Island, and Connecticut, to request 
the co-operation of those provinces in completing an 
army of twenty thousand men. A committee was 
likewise appointed to correspond with the inhabitants 
of Canada ; and circular letters were addressed to all 
the clergymen of Massachusetts, requesting their 
assistance to avert impending slavery. 

And now all America was aroused by expectation 
of awful conflict and mighty change. New England, 
upon which the first violence of the storm seemed 
likely to descend, was agitated by rumours and 
alarms, of which the import and influence strikingly 
portrayed the sentiments and temper of the people. 
Reports that Gage had commanded his troops to 
attack the Massachusetts militia, or to fire upon the 
town of Boston, were swallowed with the avidity of 
rage and hatred, and instantly covered the highways 
with thousands of armed men, mustering in hot haste, 
and eager to rush forward to death or revenge. 
Everything betokened the explosion of a tempest; 
and some partial gusts announced its near approach, 



MINUTE-MEN. 



59 



and proved the harbingers of its fury. In the close 
of the year, there reached America a proclamation 
issued by the king, prohibiting the exportation of 
military stores from Great Britain. The inhabitants 
of Rhode Island no sooner received intelligence of 
this mandate, than they removed from the public 
battery about forty pieces of cannon ; and the 
assembly of the ' province gave orders for procuring 
arms and martial stores, and for the immediate 
equipment of a military force. 





Colonel Pickering. 



PATRICK HENRY -SECOND PROVINCIAL CON- 
GRESS-FIRST MILITARY ENTERPRISE. 

HE example of 
Massachusetts in 
preparing for de- 
fence was follow- 
ed by the other 

^ provinces ; and 
warlike coun- 

$ sels were boldly 



broached in the 
provincial assem- 
blies and con- 





Patrick Henry. 



PATRICK HENRY. 63 

gresses. When (March 23) some members of the 
Virginia assembly urged the postponement of these 
preparations, reminding their colleagues of the power 
of Britain and the comparative weakness of America, 
and insisting that it would be time enough to fly to 
arms when every well-founded hope of peace had 
entirely vanished, — Patrick Henry, with vehement 
and victorious eloquence, contended that that time 
had already come. " It is natural," said he, " to man, 
to indulge in the illusions of hope. We are prone to 
shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen to 
the song of that enchantress till she transforms us 
into beasts. There is no longer any room for hope. 
We must fight. I repeat it, sir, we must fight. An 
appeal to arms, and to the God of Hosts, is all that is 
left us. They tell us that we are weak, and unable 
to cope with so formidable an adversary. But when 
shall we be stronger ? Will it be when our supine- 
ness shall have enabled our enemies to bind us hand 
and foot ? Sir, we are not weak, if we make use of 
those means which the God of nature has placed in 
our power. Three millions of people, armed in the 
holy cause of liberty, and in such a country as ours, 
are invincible by any force which our enemy can send 
against us. Nor shall we fight our battles alone. 
That God who presides over the destinies of nations, 
will raise up friends to aid us. The battle is not to 
the strong alone ; but to the vigilant, the active, the 
brave. Besides, we have no longer a choice. If we 
were base enough to desire it, it is now too late to 
retire from the contest. There is no retreat but in 
submission and slavery. Our chains are forged ; 



64 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

their clanking may be heard on the plains of Boston. 
The war is inevitable, and let it come ! Gentlemen 
may cry, ' Peace ! Peace !' — but there is no peace. 
The war is actually begun. The next gale that 
sweeps from the north will bring to our ears the clash 
of resounding arms." These last words proved 
prophetic. 

The provincial congress, which had now (1775) 
superseded the General Court of Massachusetts, as- 
sembling in the beginning of February, published an 
address acquainting the people, that, from the large 
reinforcements of troops that were expected at Bos- 
ton, the tenor of intelligence from Britain, and other 
indications, they had reason to apprehend that the 
sudden destruction of the colony was intended ; and 
urging in the strongest terms the militia in general, 
and the minute-men in particular, to spare neither 
time, pains, nor expense, to perfect themselves in 
military preparation. They also passed resolutions for 
procuring and making firearms and bayonets, and 
decreed an issue of provincial bills of credit to the 
amount of fifty thousand pounds. The military 
preparations which they recommended were diligently 
pursued, and artillery and provisions were collected 
at various places. General Gage was not an inat- 
tentive spectator of these proceedings. Having 
learned that some military stores belonging to the 
colonists were deposited in Salem, he despatched 
Colonel Leslie from Castle William, on the 26th of 
February, with one hundred and forty soldiers in a 
transport to seize them. The troops, landing at 
Marblehead, proceeded to Salem; but not finding 



FIRST MILITARY ENTERPRISE. 65 

there the object of their expedition, they advanced 
along the road leading to Danvers, whither the stores 
had been removed, and reached the drawbridge laid 
across the river. Here a number of the country 
people were assembled, and on the opposite side the 
American colonel, Pickering, had mustered thirty 
or forty armed men, and, having drawn up the bridge, 
stood prepared to dispute the passage of the river. 
Leslie commanded them to lower the bridge ; but, as 
they peremptorily refused, he was preparing to cross 
the river in some boats that were moored to the 
shore, when the people, who had gathered around 
him, perceiving his intention, sprang into the boats 
and scuttled them with axes. The day of this oc- 
currence was a Sunday ; and, as most of the neigh- 
bouring inhabitants were at church, this circumstance 
(as Gage was supposed to have anticipated) pre- 
vented the diffusion of alarm, and diminished the 
concourse of armed Americans. A conflict, never- 
theless, was on the point of ensuing, when it was 
averted by the prudent interposition of Barnard, one 
of the Congregational ministers of Salem, who, finding 
Leslie determined to cross the river, but willing, if this 
point were yielded, to content himself with marching 
thirty paces beyond it, and then return without at- 
tempting further progress, prevailed with his country- 
men to indulge the British with this empty triumph, 
which, indeed, could have been pushed no further, as 
the stores were already removed, during the delay 
that had been created. At length the bridge was 
lowered ; and Pickering, with his men still facing the 
British troops, retired to the line they had measured 



66 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

and marked. Leslie and his soldiers, after advancing 
to the stipulated point, returned and embarked for 
Boston. Thus ended the first military enterprise of 
the Revolutionary War, without effect and without 
bloodshed ; but not without additionally kindling the 
spirit, the vigilance, and the jealousy of the Ameri- 
cans, and inflaming the bitter animosity progressively 
created between them and the British soldiery. They 
declared that Gage and his troops (doubtless en- 
couraged by secret orders from Britain) had treated 
them as rebels, before the British government itself 
dared to affix this stigma upon them; and that the 
previous seizures of arms on their own part in New 
Hampshire and Rhode Island, were merely retaliatory 
measures and defensive preparations. In such cir- 
cumstances, an expedition as harmless as the last was 
not likely again to occur ; and it needed less the 
sagacity of Patrick Henry to foresee, than his spirit 
and intrepidity firmly to contemplate, the more serious 
trial which the resolution of the people of Massa- 
chusetts was soon to undergo. 





BATTLES OF LEXINGTON AND CONCORD. 



CONSIDERABLE quantity of 
military stores having been de- 
posited at Concord, an inland 
town, about eighteen miles from 
Boston, General Gage purposed 
to destroy them. For the exe- 
cution of this design, he, on the 
night preceding the 19th of April, detached lieu- 
tenant-Colonel Smith and Major Pitcairn, with eight 
hundred grenadiers and light infantry ; who, at eleven 
o'clock, embarked in boats at the bottom of the 




68 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

common in Boston, crossed the river Charles, and, 
landing at Phipps's farm in Cambridge, commenced a 
silent and expeditious march for Concord. 

Although several British officers, who dined at 
Cambridge the preceding day, had taken the pre- 
caution to disperse themselves along the road lead- 
ing to Concord, to intercept any expresses that might 
be sent from Boston to alarm the country; yet mes- 
sengers, who had been sent from town for that pur- 
pose, had eluded the British patrols, and given an 
alarm, which was rapidly spread by church bells, signal 
guns, and volleys. 

The march of the British was so cautious, that they 
remained undiscovered till within a mile and a half 
of Lexington meeting-house, and time was scarce left 
for the last messenger to return with the tidings of 
their approach. 

The new alarm is now given ; the bell rings, 
alarm guns are fired, the drum beats to arms. Some 
of the militia had gone home, when dismissed ; but the 
greater part were in the neighbouring houses, and 
instantly obeyed the summons. Sixty or seventy 
appeared on the green, and were drawn up in double 
ranks. At this moment the British column of eight 
hundred gleaming bayonets appears, headed by their 
mounted commanders, their banners flying and drums 
beating a charge. To engage them with a handful 
of militia of course was madness, — to fly at the sight 
of them, they disdained. The British troops rush 
furiously on ; their commanders, with mingled threats 
and execrations, bid the Americans lay down their 
arms and disperse, and their own troops to fire. 



LEXINGTON AND CONCORD. 69 

A moment's delay, as of compunction, follows. 
The order with vehement imprecations is repeated, 
and they fire. No one falls, and the band of self- 
devoted heroes, most of whom had never seen such a 
body of troops before, stand firm in the front of an 
army, outnumbering them ten to one. Another volley 
succeeds ; the killed and wounded drop, and it was not 
till they had returned the fire of the overwhelming 
force, that the militia were driven from the field. A 
scattered fire now succeeded on both sides while the 
Americans remained in sight ; and the British troops 
were then drawn up on the green, to fire a volley and 
give a shout in honour of the victory. 

On arriving at Concord, it was the first care of 
the British commander to cut off the approach of the 
Americans from the neighbouring towns, by destroying 
or occupying the bridges. A party was immediately 
sent to the south bridge and tore it up. A force of 
six companies, under Captains Parsons and Lowrie, 
was sent to the north bridge. Three companies un- 
der Captain Lowrie were left to guard it, and three 
under Captain Parsons proceeded to Colonel Barrett's 
house, in search of provincial stores. While they 
were engaged on that errand, the militia of Concord, 
joined by their brave brethren from the neighbouring 
towns, gathered on the hill opposite the north bridge, 
under the command of Colonel Robinson and Major 
Buttrick. The British companies at the bridge were 
now apparently bewildered with the perils of their 
situation, and began to tear up the planks of the 
bridge ; not remembering that this would expose their 



70 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

own party, then at Colonel Barrett's, to certain and 
entire destruction. 

The Americans, on the other hand, resolved to 
keep open the communication with the town; and 
perceiving the attempt which was made to destroy 
the bridge, were immediately put in motion, with 
orders not to give the first fire. They draw near to 
the bridge, the Acton company in front, led on by the 
gallant Davis. Three alarm guns were fired into the 
water, by the British, without arresting the march of 
our citizens. The signal for a general discharge is 
then made; — a British soldier steps from the ranks 
and fires at Major Buttrick. The ball passed between 
his arm and his side, and slightly wounded Mr. Luther 
Blanchard, who stood near him. A volley instantly 
followed, and Captain Davis was shot through the 
heart, gallantly marching at the head of the Acton 
militia against the choice troops of the British line. 
A private of his company, Mr. Hosmer, of Acton, also 
fell at his side. 

A general action now ensued, which terminated in 
the retreat of the British party, after the loss of 
several killed and wounded, toward the centre of the 
town, followed by the brave band who had driven 
them from their post. The advance party of British 
at Colonel Barrett's was thus left to its fate; and 
nothing would have been more easy than to effect its 
entire destruction. But the idea of a declared war 
had yet scarcely forced itself, with all its consequences, 
into the minds of our countrymen ; and these advanced 
companies were allowed to return unmolested to the 
main band. 



LEXINGTON AND CONCORD. 73 

It was now twelve hours since the first alarm had 
been given, the evening before, of the meditated ex- 
pedition. The swift watches of that eventful night had 
scattered the tidings far and wide ; and widely as they 
spread, the people rose in their strength. The genius 
of America, on this the morning of her emancipation, 
had sounded her horn over the plains and upon the 
mountains ; and the indignant yeomanry of the land, 
armed with the weapons which had done service in 
their fathers' hands, poured to the spot where this new 
and strange tragedy was acting. The old New Eng- 
land drums, that had beat at Louisbourg, at Quebec, 
at Martinique, at the Havana, were now sounding on 
all the roads to Concord. There were officers in the 
British line that knew the sound ; they had heard it, 
in the deadly breach, beneath the black, deep-throated 
engines of the French and Spanish castles. 

With the British it was a question no longer of 
protracted hostility, nor even of halting long enough 
to rest their exhausted troops, after a weary night's 
march, and all the labour, confusion, and distress of 
the day's efforts. Their dead were hastily buried in 
the public square ; their wounded placed in the vehicles 
which the town afforded ; and a flight commenced, to 
which the annals of British warfare will hardly afford 
a parallel. 

On all the neighbouring hills, were multitudes from 
the surrounding country, of the unarmed and infirm, 
of women and of children, who had fled from the ter- 
rors and the perils of the plunder and conflagration of 
their homes ; or were collected, with fearful curiosity, 
to mark the progress of this storm of war. The 
7 



74 



REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 




Retreat from Concord. 



panic fears of a calamitous flight, on the part of the 
British, transformed this inoffensive, timid throng into 
a threatening array of armed men ; and there was too 
much reason for the misconception. Every height of 
ground, within reach of the line of march, was covered 
with the indignant avengers of their slaughtered breth- 
ren. The British light companies were sent out to 
great distances as flanking parties ; but who was to 
flank the flankers ? Every patch of trees, every rock, 
every stream of water, every building, every stone 
wall, was lined (I use the words of a British officer in 
the battle), was lined with an unintermitted fire. 

Before the flying troops had reached Lexington, 
their rout was entire. An English historian says, the 
British soldiers were driven before the Americans like 



LEXINGTON AND CONCORD. 75 

sheep ; till, by a last desperate effort, the officers suc- 
ceeded in forcing their way to the front, " when they 
presented their swords and bayonets against the 
breasts of their own men, and told them if they ad- 
vanced they should die." Upon this, they began to 
form, under what the same British officer pronounces 
" a very heavy fire," which must soon have led to the 
destruction or capture of the whole corps. 

At this critical moment, it pleased Providence that 
a reinforcement should arrive. Colonel Smith had 
sent back a messenger from Lexington, to apprise 
General Gage of the check he had there received, and 
of the alarm which was running through the country. 
Three regiments of infantry, and two divisions of 
marines, with two field-pieces, under the command of 
Brigadier-General Lord Percy, were accordingly de- 
tached. They marched out of Boston, through Rox- 
bury and Cambridge, and came up with the flying 
party, in the hour of their extreme peril. While their 
field-pieces kept the Americans at bay, the reinforce- 
ment drew up in a hollow square, into which, says 
the British historian, they received the exhausted 
fugitives, " who lay down on the ground, with their 
tongues hanging from their mouths, like dogs after a 
chase." 

A half-hour was given to rest; the march was 
then resumed; and under cover of the field-pieces, 
every house in Lexington, and on the road down- 
wards, was plundered and set on fire. Though the 
flames in most cases were speedily extinguished, 
several houses were destroyed. Notwithstanding the 
attention of a great part of the Americans was thus 



76 



REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 




Earl Percy. 



drawn off, and although the British force was now 
more than doubled, their retreat still wore the aspect 
of a flight. The Americans filled the heights that 
overhung the road, and at every defile the struggle 
was sharp and bloody. At West Cambridge the 
gallant Warren (never distant when danger was to be 
braved) appeared in the field, and a musket-ball soon 
cut off a lock of hair from his temple. General 
Heath was with him, nor does there appear till this 
moment to have been any effective command among 
the American forces. 

Below West Cambridge, the militia from Dor- 
chester, Roxbury, and Brookline, came up. The 
British field-pieces began to lose their terror. A 
sharp skirmish followed, and many fell on both sides. 



LEXINGTON AND CONCORD. 77 

Indignation and outraged humanity struggled on the 
one hand, veteran discipline and desperation on the 
other ; and the contest, in more than one instance, 
was man to man, and bayonet to bayonet. 

The British officers had been compelled to de- 
scend from their horses, to escape the certain de- 
struction which attended their exposed situation. 
The wounded, to the number of two hundred, now 
presented the most distressing and constantly in- 
creasing obstruction to the progress of the march. 
Near one hundred brave men had fallen in this dis- 
astrous flight ; a considerable number had been made 
prisoners; a round or two of ammunition only re- 
mained ; and it was not till late in the evening, nearly 
twenty-four hours from the time when the first de- 
tachment was put in motion, that the exhausted 
remnant reached the heights of Charlestown. The 
boats of the vessels-of-war were immediately employed 
to transport the wounded ; the remaining British 
troops in Boston came over to Charlestown to pro- 
tect their weary countrymen during the night ; and, 
before the close of the next day, the royal army was 
formally besieged in Boston. 

It was one of those great days, one of those ele- 
mental occasions in the world's affairs, when the 
people rise, and act for themselves. Some organi- 
zation and preparation had been made ; but, from the 
nature of the case, with scarce any effect on the 
events of that day. It may be doubted whether 
there was an efficient order given the whole day, 
to any body of men as large as a regiment. It was 
the people, in their first capacity, as citizens and as 



78 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

freemen, starting from their beds at midnight, from 
their firesides, and from their fields, to take their own 
cause into their own hands. 

Such a spectacle is the height of the moral sub- 
lime ; when the want of everything is fully made up 
by the spirit of the cause, and the soul within stands 
in place of discipline, organization, resources. In the 
prodigious efforts of a veteran army, beneath the 
dazzling splendour of their array, there is something 
revolting to the reflective mind. The ranks are filled 
with the desperate, the mercenary, the depraved ; an 
iron slavery, by the name of subordination, merges 
the free will of one hundred thousand men in the 
unqualified despotism of one; the humanity, mercy, 
and remorse, which scarce ever deserts the individual 
bosom, are sounds without a meaning to that fearful, 
ravenous, irrational monster of prey, a mercenary 
army. It is hard to say who are most to be com- 
miserated, the wretched people on whom it is let 
loose, or the still more wretched people whose sub- 
stance has been sucked out to nourish it into strength 
and fury. 

But, in the efforts of the people — of the people 
struggling for their rights, moving not in organized, 
disciplined masses, but in their spontaneous action, 
man for man, and heart for heart, — though I like not 
war nor any of its works, — there is something 
glorious. They can then move forward without 
orders, act together without combination, and brave 
the flaming lines of battle without intrenchments to 
cover, or walls to shield them. 

No dissolute camp has worn off from the feelings 



LEXINGTON AND CONCORD. 79 

of the youthful soldier the freshness of that home 
where his mother and his sisters sit waiting, with 
tearful eyes and aching hearts, to hear good news 
from the wars; no long service in the ranks of a 
conqueror has turned the veteran's heart into marble ; 
their valour springs not from recklessness, from habit, 
from indifference to the preservation of a life knit by 
no pledges to the life of others. But in the strength 
and spirit of the cause alone they act, they contend, 
they bleed. In this, they conquer. 

The people always conquer. They must always 
conquer. Armies may be defeated ; kings may be over- 
thrown, and new dynasties imposed by foreign arms 
on an ignorant and slavish race, that care not in what 
language the covenant of their subjection runs, nor in 
whose name the deed of their barter and sale is made 
out. But the people never invade ; and, when they 
rise against the invader, are never subdued. 

If they are driven from the plains, they fly to the 
mountains. Steep rocks and everlasting hills are 
their castles; the tangled, pathless thicket, their 
palisado ; and Nature — God, is their ally. Now he 
overwhelms the hosts of their enemies, beneath his 
drifting mountains of sand ; now he buries them be- 
neath a falling atmosphere of polar snows ; he lets 
loose his tempests on their fleets ; he puts a folly into 
their counsels, a madness into the hearts of their 
leaders ; and never gave, and never will give, a full 
and final triumph over a virtuous, gallant people, 
resolved to be free. 




BATTLE OF BUNKER'S HILL. 




HE traveller who vis- 
its Boston, cannot 
fail to associate in 
his mind the field of 
battle where the early 
heroes of the revolu- 
tion first established 
the character of that 



BATTLE OF BUNKER'S HILL. 83 

event, marked as it was by undaunted resolution, the 
offspring of a determined purpose. From the State 
House of Massachusetts, conspicuously seated on an 
eminence, the eye ranges over Charlestown, a con- 
siderable town that now adjoins Boston by a spacious 
bridge. The patriot will scarcely content himself with 
a remote view of this impressive scene, designated by 
the celebrated Bunker's Hill Monument. 

At a distance of about two miles, some hills 
are discerned, viz: — Prospect Hill, Plowed Hill, 
Breed's Hill, and Bunker's Hill. As you advance 
on the road in the rear of the navy yard at Charles- 
town, Breed's Hill rears its venerable brow on 
the left. Here it was, that a detachment from the 
American army of one thousand men, under Colonel 
Prescott, began at twelve o'clock in the night of 
the 16th of June, 1775, to throw up some works, 
extending from Charlestown to the river which 
separates that town from Boston. They proceeded 
with such secrecy and despatch, that the officers 
of a ship-of-war then in the river expressed their 
astonishment, when in the morning they saw in- 
trenchments reared and fortified in the space of a few 
hours, where, from the contiguity of the situation, 
they least expected the Americans would look them 
in the face. 

The alarm being immediately given, orders were 
issued that a continual fire should be kept playing upon 
the unfinished works, from the ships, the floating bat- 
teries in the river, and Copp's Hill, a fortified post of 
the British in Boston, directly opposite the American 
redoubt; but, with extraordinary perseverance, the 



84 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

Americans continued to strengthen their works, not 
returning a shot till noon, when a number of boats and 
barges rilled with regular troops from Boston ap- 
proached Charlestown. The day was exceedingly 
hot. Ten companies of grenadiers, ten of light in- 
fantry, with a proportion of field-artillery, landed at 
Moreton's Point, the whole commanded by Major- 
General Howe and Brigadier-General Pigot. These 
troops having formed, remained in that position till 
joined by a second detachment of light infantry and 
grenadier companies, the 47th regiment, and a bat- 
talion of marines, making in the whole near three 
thousand men. 

The Americans had not a rifleman amongst them, 
not one being yet arrived from the southward, nor had 
they any rifle pieces ; they had but common muskets, 
and these mostly without bayonets; but then they 
were almost all marksmen, being accustomed to sport- 
ing of one kind or other from their youth. A reinforce- 
ment of Massachusetts troops was posted in a redoubt, 
and in part of the breastwork nearest it. The left 
of the breastwork, and the open ground stretching 
beyond its point to the water side, along which time 
did not admit of accomplishing the work, were occu- 
pied partly by the Massachusetts, and partly by the 
Connecticut men under Captain Knowlton of Ashford, 
and the New Hampshire under Colonel Stark, the whole 
amounting to about one thousand five hundred men. 
By direction of the officers the troops upon the open 
ground pulled up the post and rail fence, and carrying 
it forward to another of the same kind, and placing 



BATTLE OF BUNKER'S HILL. 85 

some clods of grass between, formed a slight defence 
in some parts. 

A critical scene now opened to the view. The 
British regulars, formed in two lines, advanced slowly, 
frequently halting to give time for the artillery to fire. 
The light infantry were directed to force the left point 
of the breastwork, and to take the American line in 
flank. The grenadiers advanced to attack in front, 
supported by two battalions, under General Howe, 
while the left, under General Pigot, inclined to the right 
of the American line. As the British advanced nearer 
and nearer to the attack, a carcass was discharged 
from Copp's Hill, which set on fire an old house in 
Charlestown, and the flames quickly spread to others. 
The houses at the eastern end of Charlestown were 
set on fire by seamen from the boats. The whole 
town, consisting of about three hundred dwelling- 
houses, and nearly two hundred other buildings, speedily 
became involved in one great blaze, being chiefly of 
timber. The large meeting-house, by its aspiring 
steeple, formed a pyramid of fire above the rest. The 
houses, heights, and steeples in Boston were covered 
with spectators of this anxious scene, and the sur- 
rounding hills were occupied by others. 

The slow movement of the British troops ad- 
vancing to the attack, afforded to the Americans the 
advantage of taking a surer and more deliberate aim. 
The wind having shifted, carried the smoke from the 
conflagration in such a direction that the British had 
not the cover of it in their approach. The destruc- 
tion of the place, however, served to prevent their 
opponents from effecting a lodgment in the houses, 
8 



86 



REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 




whence they might have annoyed to advantage. 
General Warren, who had been appointed by Con- 
gress a major-general in their armies only four days 
before, was everywhere aiding and encouraging his 
men. General Pomeroy commanded a brigade, and 
General Putnam, a brave and meritorious officer, 
directed the whole on the fall of General Warren. 
The troops were ordered to reserve their fire until 
the close approach of the British. They strictly 
obeyed, with a steadiness and composure that would 
have done honour to the most approved veterans; 
and when the enemy had arrived within ten or twelve 
rods, poured in a discharge of small arms, which 
arrested and so staggered their foes that they could 



BATTLE OF BUNKER'S HILL. 87 

only for a time return it, without advancing a step. 
Finding the stream of the American fire so incessant 
as to mow down whole sections, they retired in dis- 
order to the river. Rallying as well as their extra- 
ordinary loss of officers would admit of, the British 
again advanced, with an apparent resolution of 
forcing their way, whatever loss of lives it might 
cost them. The Americans again reserved their fire 
till the enemy arrived within five or six rods, when, 
discharging their pieces, which were admirably 
pointed, they threw the opposing ranks again into 
confusion. General Clinton, who, with General Gage, 
the commander-in-chief of the British forces in Bos- 
ton, was on Copp's Hill, observing the events of the 
day, when he perceived the disconcerted state of the 
troops, passed over and joined just in time to be of 
service. The united and strenuous efforts of the 
different officers were again successful, and the 
columns were advanced a third time to the attack, 
with a desperation increased by the unshaken oppo- 
sition they experienced. It is probable, from the 
nature of the resistance, that every effort to dislodge 
the Americans would have been ineffectual, had not 
their ammunition failed ; on sending for a supply, none 
could be procured, as there was but a barrel and a 
half in the magazine. This deficiency prevented them 
from making the same defence as before ; while the 
British enjoyed a further advantage, by bringing some 
cannon to bear so as to rake the inside of the breast- 
work from end to end, upon which the Americans 
were compelled to retreat within their redoubt. The 
British now made a decisive movement, covered by 



88 REVOLUTIONARY "WAR. 

the fire of the ships, batteries, and field-artillery. The 
Americans disputed the possession of the works with 
the butt-ends of their muskets, until the redoubt, 
easily mounted and attacked on three sides at once, 
was taken, and their defences, the labour of only a 
few hours, had been prostrated by artillery. Whilst 
these operations were going on at the breastwork and 
redoubt, the British light infantry were engaged in 
attempting to force the left point of the former, 
through the space between that and the water, that 
they might take the American line in flank. The 
resistance they met with was as formidable and fatal 
in its effects as experienced in the other quarter ; for 
here also the Americans, by command, reserved their 
fire till the enemy's close approach, and then poured 
in a discharge so well directed, and with such exe- 
cution, that wide chasms were made in every rank. 
Some of the Americans were slightly guarded by the 
rail fences, but others were altogether exposed, so 
that their bravery in close combat was put to the test, 
independent of defences neither formed by military 
rules or workmen. The most determined assaults of 
their regular opponents, who were now brought to 
the charge with redoubled fury, could not, after all, 
compel them to retreat, till they observed that their 
main body had left the hill, when they retrograded, 
but with a regularity that could scarcely have been 
expected of troops newly embodied, and who in 
general never before saw an engagement. Over- 
powered by numbers, and seeing all hope of rein- 
forcement cut off by the incessant fire of the ships 



BATTLE OF BUNKER'S HILL. 89 

across a neck of land that separated them from the 
country, they were compelled to quit the ground. 

The staunch opposition of this band of patriots 
saved their comrades, who must otherwise have been 
cut off, as the enemy, but for them, would have been 
in rear of the whole. While these brave heroes 
retired, disputing every inch of ground, and taking up 
every new position successively that admitted of de- 
fence, their leader, the gallant Warren, unfortunately 
received a ball through the right side of the skull, and 
mechanically clapping his hand to the wound, dropped 
down dead. 

The British, taught by the experience of this day 
to respect their rustic adversaries, contented them- 
selves with taking post at Bunker's Hill, which they 
fortified. The Americans, with the enthusiasm of 
men determined to be free, did the same upon Pros- 
pect Hill, a mile in front. It was here that General 
Putnam regaled the precious remains of his army, 
after their fatigues, with several hogsheads of beer. 
Owing to some unaccountable error, the working 
parties, who had been incessantly labouring the 
whole of the preceding night, were neither relieved 
nor supplied with refreshment, but left to engage 
under all these disadvantages. 

This battle was generally admitted, by experienced 
officers of the British army who witnessed it, and had 
served at Minden, Dettingen, and throughout the 
campaigns in Germany, to have been unparalleled for 
the time it lasted and the numbers engaged. There 
was a continued sheet of fire from the breastwork for 
near half an hour, and the action was hot for about 
8* 



90 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

double that period. In this short space of time, the 
loss of the British, according to General Gage, 
amounted to one thousand and fifty-four, of whom 
two hundred and twenty-six were killed ; of these 
nineteen were commissioned officers, including a 
lieutenant-colonel, two majors, and seven captains; 
seventy other officers were wounded. 

The battle of Quebec, in the former war, with all 
its glory, and the vastness of the consequences 
attending it, was not so disastrous in the loss of 
officers as this affair of an American intrenchment, 
the work of but a few hours. The fact was, the 
Americans, accustomed to aim with precision, and to 
select objects, directed their skill principally against 
the officers of the British army, justly conceiving that 
much confusion would ensue on their fall. Nearly 
all the officers around the person of General Howe 
were killed or disabled, and the general himself nar- 
rowly escaped. At the battle of Minden, where the 
British regiments sustained the force of the whole 
French army for a considerable time, the number of 
officers killed, including two who died soon after of 
their wounds, was only thirteen, and the wounded 
sixty-six ; the total loss of the army on that occasion 
was two hundred and ninety-one in killed, and one 
thousand and thirty-seven wounded. 

The British acknowledged the valour of their op- 
ponents, which, by no means new to them, surpassed 
on this occasion what could have been expected of a 
handful of cottagers, as they termed them, under 
officers of little military knowledge, and still less 
experience, whom they affected to hold in contempt. 



BATTLE OF BUNKER'S HILL. 91 

They pretended to forget that many of the common 
soldiers who gained such laurels by their singular 
bravery on the Plains of Abraham, when Wolfe died 
in the arms of victory, were natives of the Massa- 
chusetts Bay. When Martinique was attacked in 
1761, and the British force was greatly reduced by 
sickness and mortality, the timely arrival of the New 
England troops enabled the British commander to 
prosecute the reduction of the island to a happy issue. 
A part of the troops being sent on an expedition to 
the Havana, the New Englanders, whose health 
had been much impaired by service and the climate, 
were embarked in three ships for their native country, 
with a view to their recovery. Before they had com- 
pleted their voyage, they found themselves restored, 
ordered the ships about, steered immediately for the 
Havana, arrived when the British were too much 
weakened to expect success, and by their junction 
contributed materially to the surrender of the place. 
Their fidelity, activity, and good conduct, were such 
as to gain the approbation and unbounded confidence 
of the British officers. Of such elementary principles 
were the heroes of Bunker's Hill composed. It surely 
was a misguided policy to rouse the opposition of 
men made of these materials. 

A spot so fertile in great associations, could not 
but attract the special notice of President Monroe, 
during his tour to the eastward. It was precisely 
where Warren fell that his excellency met the citizens 
of Charlestown on the occasion, and addressed them 
as follows : 

" It is highly gratifying to me to meet the com- 



92 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

mittee of Charlestown upon a theatre so interesting 
to the United States. It is impossible to approach 
Bunker's Hill, where the war of the revolution com- 
menced with so much honour to the nation, without 
being deeply affected. The blood spilt here roused 
the whole American people, and united them in a 
common cause, in defence of their rights. — That 
union will never be broken." 

Whether, indeed, we consider the action of the 
17th of June in itself, or as the prelude to succeeding 
events, we must pronounce it to be the most glorious 
of our history, for the numbers engaged and the de- 
fences made use of. 

If we except that of New Orleans, no parallel is to 
be found to it, in the extent of impression produced 
upon the enemy. But there, time had been afforded 
for maturing the works, which were constructed under 
the superintendence of skilful engineers, and extended 
across a position that could not be outflanked. 
Twelve hours only were gained for those on Breed's 
Hill, formed, during a great part of the time, under a 
heavy fire from the enemy's ships, a number of float- 
ing batteries, beside fortifications which poured upon 
them an incessant shower of shot and shells, and left 
incomplete, owing to the intolerable cannonade. 

We shall close this account with an extract from 
General Wilkinson's Memoirs, vol. 1. 

"In the temper of the colonists, the deliberate 
attack on the provincials at Breed's Hill, the 17th of 
June, 1775, under the orders of General Gage, be- 
came the signal for a general appeal to arms. These, 
indeed, were times which tried men's souls, but they 



BATTLE OF BUNKER'S HILL. 93 

have passed away, and may they never be forgotten. 
The personal services and sufferings of those days, 
ought ever to obtain that consideration which the 
blessings of liberty and independence secured should 
inspire. 

" On the evacuation of Boston by the enemy, I 
accompanied Colonels Stark and Reed to take a view 
of Bunker's Hill, — that memorable theatre of action, 
where the sword dissevered the ties of consanguinity, 
and cut asunder the social bonds that united the 
American colonies to the parent state. 

"Arrived on the field of battle, where those 
officers had performed conspicuous parts, with anx- 
ious inquiry I traced the general disposition of our 
yeomanry on that eventful day, and the particular 
station of each corps ; I marked the vestiges of the 
post and rail fence on the left, and the breastwork 
thrown up on the beach of Mystic river, which 
covered our armed citizens. I paced the distance to 
the point from whence the British light infantry, after 
three successive gallant charges, were finally repulsed. 
I examined the redoubt, the intrenchment, the land- 
ings and approaches of the enemy, and every point 
of attack and defence. Resting on the parapet, 
where nine months before ' valour's self might have 
stood appalled,' I surveyed the whole ground at a 
glance, and eagerly devoured the information im- 
parted by my brave companions. 

"With a throbbing breast I stepped from this 
ground of unequal conflict, where American farmers, 
contending for the rights of nature, for their wives 
and children, and posterity unborn, bared their 



94 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

bosoms to the bayonets of veteran mercenaries — 
where victory so long balanced between native 
courage and disciplined bravery, between freemen 
who contended for liberty, and the armed ruffian who 
fights for bread ; and following my leaders, we 
traversed the ruins of Charlestown, lately the abode 
of thousands animated by the buzz of active industry 
and social happiness, now buried in its own ashes. 

" The resolution displayed by the provincials on 
this memorable day, produced effects auspicious to 
the American cause, and co-extensive with the war ; 
for, although compelled by superior numbers to yield 
the ground, the obstinacy of their resistance put an 
end to that confidence with which they had been first 
attacked, and produced measures of caution bordering 
on timidity. There can be no doubt that we were 
indebted to these causes for the unmolested occu- 
pancy of our position before Boston, which, to com- 
plete the investment, was necessarily extended from 
Roxbury on the right, to Mystic river on the left, a 
rectilinear distance of about four miles. 

" To the cool courage and obstinacy displayed on 
the occasion, and the moral influence of the bloody 
lesson which Sir William Howe received on that 
day, we must ascribe the military phenomenon of a 
motley band of undisciplined American yeomanry, 
scarcely superior in number, holding an army of 
British veterans in close siege for nine months ; and 
hence it might fairly be inferred, that our inde- 
pendence was essentially promoted by the conse- 
quences of this single battle." 




Ruius of Ticonderoga. 



CAPTURE OF TICONDEROGA. 



HE necessity of se- 
curing Ticonderoga 
was early attended 
to by many in New 
England; but some 
Connecticut gentle- 
men were first in 
attempting the mea- 
sure. Secrecy was essential to success ; and delay 
might be dangerous. There was no waiting to consult 




96 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

the Continental Congress ; beside, it would not have 
been safe to have communicated the scheme to that 
body, as it was known there would be individuals in 
it on whose fidelity the Americans could not rely. 

Messrs. Deane, Wooster, Parsons, and others un- 
dertook the affair. They applied to the assembly for 
a loan, which was furnished, to the amount of about 
eighteen hundred dollars, on which they gave bonds 
to be accountable. General Gage had set the example 
of attempting to seize upon military stores, and by so 
doing had commenced hostilities ; so that retaliation 
appeared more than warrantable, even an act of self- 
defence. 

The expedition went on with rapidity. Several 
militia captains pushed forward to Salisbury to ac- 
quaint Messrs. Blagdens with the design, and to pro- 
cure their assistance. One was ill, the other joined in 
the proposed manoeuvre. After a little deliberation, 
they concluded upon spending no time in obtaining 
men; but, having provided a sufficient quantity of 
powder and ball, set off on horseback for Bennington 
to engage Colonel Allen. They conferred with him 
upon their arrival ; and then remained with others to 
bake bread, and prepare other necessaries, while the 
colonel went on to raise the men who were wanting, 
and who were to meet the managers at Castleton. 
While these were on their way to the place of ren- 
dezvous, they were met by a countryman, apparently 
an undesigning honest traveller, but who was either 
himself well-skilled and a principal, or had been well- 
tutored by some one or other, that had either suspect- 
ed or gained knowledge of the expedition, and meant 



CAPTURE OF TICONDEROGA. 97 

to render it abortive. They addressed him, " From 
whence came you ?" " From Ty ; left it yesterday," 
at such an hour. "Has the garrison received any 
reinforcement ? " " Yes ; I saw them ; there were a 
number of artillery men and other soldiers." " What 
are they doing ? Are they making fascines ?" " Don't 
know what fascines are. They are tying up sticks 
and brush in bundles, and putting them where the walls 
are down." Mr. Samuel Blagden put many ensnaring 
questions about the dress and trimmings of the men, 
&c. The answers tended to confirm the man's story. 
The company was staggered ; and it being debated in 
council, whether they should not return, as they had 
no cannon, it was determined by a majority of one 
only to proceed. 

At Castleton they met Colonel Allen with his men, 
and altogether made two hundred and seventy persons ; 
two hundred and thirty of them were Green Mountain 
boys, so called from their residing within the limits of 
the Green Mountains, as the Hampshire grants are 
denominated, from the range of green mountains that 
runs through them. They are a brave hardy gen- 
eration, chiefly settlers from New Hampshire, Massa- 
chusetts, and Connecticut. Sentries were placed im- 
mediately on all the roads, to prevent any intelligence 
being carried to Ticonderoga. 

After the junction at Castleton, Colonel Arnold ar- 
rived, with only a single servant. The day after his 
getting to Cambridge with his volunteer company, he 
attended on the Massachusetts committee of safety, 
and reported that there were at Ticonderoga, eighty 
pieces of heavy cannon, twenty of brass from four to 
9 G 



98 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

eighteen-pounders, ten or a dozen mortars, a number 
of small arms, and considerable stores ; and that the 
fort was in a ruinous condition, and as he supposed 
garrisoned by about forty men. Upon this the com- 
mittee, on the 3d of May, appointed him a colonel 
of four hundred men, whom he was to enlist and march 
for the reduction of Ticonderoga. The colonel was 
known only to Mr. Blagden. A council was called ; 
his powers were examined ; and at length it was agreed, 
that he should be admitted to join and act with them, 
that so the public might be benefited. It was settled, 
however, that Colonel Allen should have the supreme 
command, and Colonel Arnold was to be his assistant ; 
with which the latter appeared satisfied, as he had no 
right by his commission, either to command or interfere 
with the others, who were not only out of the Mas- 
sachusetts line, but the subjects of another colony. 
The names of the leaders, besides what have been 
mentioned, were Messrs. Motte, Phelps, (two brothers) 
Bigelow, Bull, and Nichols, beside Colonels Easton, 
Brown, and Warner, and Captain Dickinson. 

After it had been determined in a council to set off 
the next morning early for "Ty," and some of the man- 
agers had retired, a second council was held, and it 
was concluded to proceed that very night, leaving 
Messrs. Blagden, Bigelow, and Nichols, with a party 
of men, thirty in all, officers included, to march early 
in the morning for Skeensborough, and secure Major 
Skeen, his negroes and tenants. This council might 
have been occasioned by the return of Captain Noah 
Phelps, who the day before, having disguised himself, 
entered the fort in the character of a countryman 



CAPTURE OF TICONDEROGA. 101 

wanting to be shaved. In hunting for a barber, he 
observed everything critically, asked a number of 
rustic questions, affected great ignorance, and passed 
unsuspected. Before night he withdrew, came and 
joined his party, and in the morning guided them to 
the place of destination. 

Colonel Allen, with his two hundred and thirty 
Green Mountain boys, arrived at Lake Champlain, and 
opposite to Ticonderoga, on the 9th, at night. Boats 
were procured, with difficulty, when he and Colonel 
Arnold crossed over with eighty-three men, and 
landed near the garrison. Here a dispute took place 
between the colonels ; the latter became assuming, and 
swore he would go in first; the other swore he should 
not. The gentlemen present interposed, and the 
matter was accommodated, upon the footing that both 
should go in together. They advanced alongside 
of each other, Colonel Allen on the right hand of 
Colonel Arnold, and entered the port leading to the 
fort, in the gray of the morning, (May 10.) A sentry 
snapped his fusee at Colonel Allen, and then retreated 
through the covered way to the parade ; the main 
body of Americans followed, and immediately drew 
up. Captain De la Place, the commander, was sur- 
prised abed in his room. He was ordered to give up 
the fort ; upon his asking by what authority, Colonel 
Allen replied, " I demand it in the name of the great 
Jehovah, and the Continental Congress." The Con- 
gress knew nothing of the matter, and did not com- 
mence their existence till some hours after. When 
they began their session, they chose the Honourable 
Peyton Randolph president, and Mr. Charles Thom- 
9* 



102 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

son secretary, each with a unanimous voice; and 
having agreed " That the Reverend Mr. Duche be 
requested to open the Congress with prayers to- 
morrow morning," and appointed a committee to 
acquaint him with their request, adjourned till the 
next day. Had Captain De la Place been upon the 
parade with his men, he could have made no effectual 
resistance. The fort was out of repair, and he had 
but about thirty effectives. Could he have gained 
timely intelligence, he might have procured a re- 
inforcement from St. John's. 

After Colonel Allen had landed, the boats were 
sent back for the remainder of the men under 
Colonel Seth Warren ; but the place was surprised 
before he could get over- Immediately upon his 
joining the successful party, he was sent off to take 
possession of Crown Point, where a sergeant and 
twelve men performed garrison duty ; but the greatest 
acquisition was that of more than a hundred pieces 
of cannon. The complete command of Lake Cham- 
plain was of high importance to the Americans, and 
could not be effected without their getting possession 
of a sloop-of-war lying at St. John's, at the foot of 
the lake. It was determined to man and arm a 
schooner lying at South Bay, and that Colonel Arnold 
should command her ; and that Colonel Allen should 
command the batteaux, a name generally affixed to 
boats of a particular construction, calculated for 
navigating the lakes and rivers, and drawing but little 
water, though heavily laden. The wind being fresh 
from the south, the schooner outsailed the batteaux, 
and Colonel Arnold surprised the sloop. The wind 



CAPTURE OF TICONDEROGA. 103 

shifting suddenly to the north, and blowing fresh, in 
about an hour's time Colonel Arnold sailed with the 
prize and schooner for Ticonderoga, and met Colonel 
Allen with his party. 

The surprise of Skeensborough was so conducted 
that the negroes were all secured, and Major Skeen, 
the son, taken while out shooting, and his strong 
stone house possessed, and the pass completely 
gained, without any bloodshed, the same as at Ticon- 
deroga. Had the major received the least intimation, 
the attempt must have miscarried ; for he had about 
fifty tenants near at hand, besides eight negroes and 
twelve workmen. 

Colonel Allen soon left Ticonderoga under the 
command of Colonel Arnold, with a number of men, 
who agreed to remain in garrison. 

When the news of Ticonderoga's being taken 
reached the Continental Congress, they earnestly 
recommended it to the committees of the cities and 
counties of New York and Albany, immediately to 
cause the cannon and stores to be removed from 
thence to the south end of Lake George; but that 
an exact inventory should be taken of them, "in 
order that they may be safely returned, when the 
restoration of the former harmony between Great 
Britain and these colonies, so ardently wished for by 
the latter, shall render it prudent, and consistent with 
the overruling law of self-preservation." Whatever 
may have been the drift of a few in Congress, that body 
wished to keep the door open for an accommodation. 
This was apparent in the advice they gave the New 
Yorkers, three days before the preceding recommen- 



104 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

dation. The city and county of New York applied 
to them for information how to conduct towards the 
troops expected there. The Congress resolved, " That 
it be recommended, for the present, to the inhabitants 
of New York, that if the troops which are expected 
should arrive, the said colony act on the defensive, so 
long as may be consistent with their safety and 
security ; that the troops be permitted to remain in 
the barracks, so long as they behave peaceably and 
quietly, but that they be not suffered to erect fortifi- 
cations, or take any steps for cutting off the commu- 
nication between the town and country ; and that if 
they commit hostilities or invade private property, 
the inhabitants should defend themselves and their 
property, and repel force by force ; that the warlike 
stores be removed from the town; that places of 
retreat, in case of necessity, be provided for the 
women and children of New York ; and that a suf- 
ficient number of men be embodied, and kept in 
constant readiness for protecting the inhabitants from 
insult and injury." 





Washington. 




SECOND CONTINENTAL CONGRESS -WASHING- 
TON'S APPOINTMENT. 

^y-^EANTIME Congress, having 
^J met on the 10th of May, re- 
ceived a report of these trans- 
actions, which called for their 
most earnest consideration. Some, it 
is said, were unprepared for so serious 
a result; but the general resolution 
was to follow it up, and place all the colonies in a pos- 
ture of military defence. Still, before adopting any 
active measures, they determined, though with some 
dissentient voices, to make fresh appeals to the king 
and people of Great Britain. To his majesty they 
professed as strongly as ever their devotion to his 
person, family, and government ; their deep regret at 
any event which could weaken their connexion with 




108 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

his crown, and their ardent desire for the restoration 
of harmony. To the people they strenuously repelled 
the charge of aiming at independence, which none of 
their actions were said to justify. They had never 
made overtures to any foreign power, nor availed 
themselves of the weak state of the cities, to become 
masters of them. The late hostilities had been 
merely the repulse of a wanton attack; they had 
lamented the wounds they were obliged to give, and 
had not yet learned to rejoice at a victory over 
Englishmen. The armies were said to be raised with 
objects purely defensive, and the fortresses seized 
merely as a preventive against invasion from Canada. 
Complaining, however, that the clemency of their 
sovereign was diverted, that their petitions were 
treated with indignity, and that their prayers were 
answered by insults; they dreaded that the nation 
wanted either the will or the power to assist them. 
In that case, they expressed a firm determination 
that, " while we revere the memory of our gallant and 
virtuous ancestors, we never can surrender those 
glorious privileges for which they fought, bled, and 
conquered ; — your fleets and armies can destroy our 
towns and ravage our coasts ; these are inconsiderable 
objects, — things of no moment to men whose bosoms 
glow with the ardour of liberty. We can retire beyond 
the reach of your navy, and, without any sensible 
diminution of the necessaries of life, enjoy a luxury, 
which from that period you will want, — the luxury of 
bein£ free." 

Having emitted these declarations, Congress pro- 
ceeded to make military arrangements which should 



APPOINTMENT OF WASHINGTON. 109 

comprehend the whole range of the colonies. All the 
troops within their limits were to be now called the 
Continental Army; committees were appointed to 
devise ways and means for supporting and supplying 
it with arms and stores, and preparing regulations for 
its government. An issue of paper-money was voted 
to the amount of three millions of dollars. The first 
object was considered to be the choice of a command- 
er, and in this respect they were singularly fortunate. 
There had at this time sprung up among them an un- 
common number of men of distinguished abilities ; and 
though some were in this respect superior to him, it 
was generally agreed that the fittest person was 
George Washington. Without very brilliant talents, 
or even very extensive information, he possessed sound 
sense, comprehensive views, a deep and devoted 
patriotism. These had been displayed in a manner 
so firm, simple, and manly, as rendered it impossible 
even to entertain a doubt of the thorough dependence 
which might be placed on his fidelity to the cause. 
A bold and enterprising spirit was tempered with a 
feeling of actual difficulties, sometimes even extreme, 
which prevented it from degenerating into rashness. 
His steady honour and humanity softened the horrors 
of a contest, which among the lower class of states- 
men excited the most imbittered feelings. Appre- 
hensions were entertained that Massachusetts, in 
virtue of her great exertions, would claim the nomi- 
nation ; but Mr. Adams, her leading deputy, was the 
first to propose the Virginian, and the recommen- 
dation, being submitted to ballot, was unanimously 
approved. Next day the choice was announced to 
10 



110 



REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 



him, when, in a plain, modest reply, he expressed his 
high sense of the honour, not concealing the pain 
which arose from a consciousness that his abilities 
and military experience might not be equal to so 
mighty a trust. Yet he assured them he would enter 
on the momentous duty, and exert every power he 
possessed in so great a cause. Five hundred dollars 
monthly had been voted for his pay and expenses ; 
but being possessed of an ample fortune, he declined 
anything beyond the reimbursement of his actual 
outlay. 





SIEGE OF BOSTON. 




rPHE colonists had thus expe- 
rienced an almost uninter- 
rupted career of success, and, 
with the exception of Boston, 
England had not a spot left 
in the whole range of their 
territory. Yet reflecting men 
easily saw, that they had prevailed only against 
an advanced guard and scattered detachments, and 
that the struggle had not yet commenced with the 
main force of the British empire. Washington, 
meantime, on proceeding to the army, was received 
in the most cordial manner, and without the smallest 
symptom of jealousy ; the provincial congress sending 
a committee to meet him at Springfield on the 
frontier, and escort him to Boston. He there found 
fourteen thousand five hundred men, able-bodied, 

10* H 



114 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

zealous in the cause, and personally courageous, but 
destitute of almost every element of military organi- 
zation. A great proportion wanted bayonets, and 
the alarming discovery was soon made that they had 
not above nine rounds of gunpowder. There were 
no tents, and clothes extremely deficient ; there was 
neither commissary nor quartermaster-general. No 
combination existed between the troops drawn from 
different colonies ; and the officers, mostly chosen by 
the men, could exercise scarcely any authority. These 
evils were the more difficult to remedy, as the army, 
enlisted only for a short period, would disband in a 
few months, and be replaced by one composed of raw 
recruits. In these circumstances, Washington anxiously 
desired to make an attack upon Boston, and dislodge 
the troops before the large expected reinforcements 
should arrive, when the prospects could not but be- 
come gloomy. Yet a council of officers decided, 
seemingly on good grounds, that such an attempt 
could have no chance of success ; and he was obliged, 
very reluctantly, to await the turn which events might 
take. 

In the meantime, Washington laboured under accu- 
mulated difficulties in prosecuting the blockade of 
Boston. The scarcity of ammunition, notwithstanding 
every effort of Congress, continued almost unabated; 
while the want of money, as well as of necessary 
equipments, was deeply felt on the advance of the 
rigorous season. With all his energy and firmness, 
he seems to have been exceedingly sensitive to 
troubles and opposition. He describes his situation 
as inexpressibly distressing, — the winter approaching 



SIEGE OF BOSTON. 115 

on an army at once naked and without a dollar ; and 
declares that unless some remedy were devised, the 
force must be broken up. Amid all these distresses, 
it was necessary to keep up a good face towards the 
enemy, while many on his own side, exaggerating both 
the numbers and efficiency of his troops, wondered 
he should remain inactive, and not have already 
driven the English out of Boston. These criticisms 
touched him sensibly ; yet, as a true patriot, he care- 
fully concealed the explanation, which, reaching the 
opposite party, would have produced fatal effects. 
Even Congress, with a jealousy of military power, in 
his case very unjust, were indisposed to measures 
most requisite for the success of his army. As none 
of any importance could be taken without their con- 
currence, as well as that of the provincial assemblies, 
they were always delayed, and often obstructed. 

An imminent danger now impended ; December 
approached, when the troops, having been enlisted for 
only one year, were all entitled to return home. To 
this subject the commander earnestly solicited the 
attention of Congress, and on the 18th of October a 
committee of their number, Franklin, Lynch, and 
Harrison, arrived at his head-quarters. Being per- 
sons of judgment, they arranged matters very satis- 
factorily. Authority was given to levy twenty-six 
regiments, estimated at somewhat above twenty 
thousand men, independently of militia. Congress 
would not consent, however, to the enlistment for more 
than a year, nor would they, till the next January, 
agree to grant a bounty. Washington made the 
strongest appeals to the men, entreating them by 



116 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

every motive of honour and patriotism to adhere to 
those standards under which they had gloriously 
fought. But that ardent impulse which had called 
them to arms w r as now sensibly cooled ; and when the 
time arrived, not above five thousand had engaged. 
These were afterwards reinforced ; but this disso- 
lution of one army and assemblage of another, in the 
face of an enemy whose force was constantly in- 
creasing, placed the commander in a very critical 
situation. 

He was also harassed from another quarter. The 
English in Boston, being straitened for provisions, 
sought to procure them by descents on different parts 
of the coast, treating the inhabitants, who were uni- 
formly hostile, with very little ceremony. Falmouth 
suffered such a severe cannonade and bombardment 
as to reduce it to ashes, and it was reported or 
dreaded that a similar fate impended over the other 
seaports. Urgent applications were made to the 
commander-in-chief for aid ; but he represented that 
his army was barely adequate to blockade Boston, 
and could not be broken down into detachments for 
local objects, which ought to be provided for by the 
militia of the districts. His views were sanctioned 
by Congress. He endeavoured, however, to protect 
the shore by forming a small marine, placing troops on 
board the vessels; and in a few weeks six schooners 
were fitted out. They were fortunate enough soon 
to capture a ship laden with military stores, most 
valuable for the supply of the army. In other respects 
this force was for some time inefficient, and its dis- 
cipline very imperfect ; but it was gradually improved; 



SIEGE OF BOSTON. 117 

prize courts and regulations were formed, and its 
privateering operations proved ultimately very harass- 
ing to the British. 

Meantime, General Gage remained inactive at 
Boston; a course generally condemned by historians 
as at Once unaccountable and shameful. Yet, besides 
being by no means fully aware of Washington's 
weakness, he assigned other reasons which appear 
conclusive. Though he might have dislodged the 
Americans from their position, little would have been 
gained by marching into the interior of New England, 
a territory full of people animated with peculiar zeal 
in the cause of independence, and which, though 
containing many small towns, offered no central or 
leading point of attack. He must merely have 
moved from place to place, continually harassed by 
that desultory warfare in which they had shown 
themselves to excel. In the beginning of October he 
was recalled, without any expression of displeasure, 
yet probably under the impression of the disasters 
which the cause had sustained in his hands, and the 
hope that it might be more fortunate in those of 
another. The command then devolved upon Howe, 
who concurred with his predecessor as to the inex- 
pediency of advancing into the interior of New 
England. He submitted to the cabinet another plan, 
by which Boston should be held only till the close of 
the winter, and the troops there, with all those ex- 
pected from the mother country, be then concentrated 
at New York, and the main attack made from that 
quarter. The inhabitants were more loyal, and by 
striking at the heart of the Union he would separate 



118 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

the northern and southern states, and then, according 
to circumstances, carry on operations against either. 
Washington, meantime, was very slowly recruiting 
his army, which, at the beginning of February, did 
not reach quite nine thousand men. Being at that 
period permitted to offer a bounty, he had in a month 
collected above fourteen thousand, reinforced by six 
thousand Massachusetts militia. He considered this 
force sufficient to attack the city ; but a council of 
officers decided, probably with reason, that such an 
attempt offered no chance of success. They pro- 
posed rather to seize and fortify the peninsular point 
named Dorchester Neck, whence the harbour would 
be in a great degree commanded, and the place, it 
was hoped, rendered untenable. To this he con- 
sented, though with great chagrin ; and the exe- 
cution of the movement was intrusted to General 
Ward. The British were amused two days by an 
incessant cannonade and bombardment, — till at night- 
fall of the 4th of March, General Thomas, with a 
working body of twelve hundred, a covering force of 
eight hundred, and three hundred carts of materials, 
marched undiscovered, and took possession of the 
most elevated part of the heights. The Americans, 
being chiefly practical farmers, were extremely skilful 
in intrenching, and laboured with such diligence, that 
in the morning the English with astonishment beheld 
them in a strongly fortified position. The admiral 
then gave notice to Howe, that the harbour could not 
be deemed secure as long as this post was held by 
the Americans. Lord Percy, with three thousand men, 
was employed to dislodge them j but a violent storm 



SIEGE OF BOSTON. 



119 



rendered the operation impossible, and before it dis- 
persed the works were considered beyond the reach 
of assault. Washington had prepared a select corps 
to attack the town, while its main force should be 
directed against the heights ; but this project, never 
very feasible, was now of course given up. The 
British commander then prepared to evacuate the 
place. 

On the 17th the enemy embarked in their ships, 
and after remaining a few days in Nantasket roads, 
sailed towards Halifax. General Putnam immedi- 
ately entered Boston, which was found strongly 
fortified, and quite uninjured. Washington enter- 
tained great apprehension that the city would be 
destroyed, though the English seem never to have 
entertained any such idea; and some cannon and 
stores, which could not be carried away, became 
available to him. 





INCIDENTS AT THE EVACUATION OF BOSTON. 



HE circumstances which led 
to the evacuation of Boston, 
and a lively description of 
that joyous event, are given 
as follows by Dr. Thacher, 
one of the surgeons of Gene- 
ral Washington's army, in 
his Military Journal of the 
Revolutionary War. 
March 4th. — The object in view is now generally 
understood to be the occupying and fortifying the ad- 
vantageous heights of Dorchester. A detachment of 
our troops is ordered to march for this purpose this 
evening ; and our regiment, with several others, has 






~=$v£? t£T) 



at -^ r T&S^i 





-^ * 



EVACUATION OF BOSTON. 123 

received orders to march at four 'clock in the morn- 
ing, to relieve them. We are favoured with a full 
bright moon, and the night is remarkably mild and 
pleasant; the preparations are immense; more than 
three hundred loaded carts are in motion. By the 
great exertions of General Mifflin, our quartermaster- 
general, the requisite number of teams has been pro- 
cured. The covering party of eight hundred men 
advance in front. Then follow the carts with the 
intrenching tools ; after which, the working party of 
twelve hundred, commanded by General Thomas, of 
Kingston. Next in the martial procession are a train 
of carts, loaded with fascines and hay, screwed into 
large bundles of seven or eight hundred weight. The 
whole procession moves on in solemn silence, and 
with perfect order and regularity ; while the continued 
roar of cannon serves to engage the attention and 
divert the enemy from the main object. 

5th. — At about four o'clock our regiment followed 
to the heights of Dorchester as a relief party. On 
passing Dorchester Neck I observed a vast number of 
large bundles of screwed hay, arranged in a line next 
the enemy, to protect our troops from a raking fire, to 
which we should have been greatly exposed, while 
passing and repassing. The carts were still in motion 
with materials; some of them have made three or 
four trips. On the heights we found two forts in 
considerable forwardness, and sufficient for a defence 
against small arms and grape-shot. The amount of 
labour performed during the night, considering the 
earth is frozen eighteen inches deep, is almost 
incredible. The enemy having discovered our works 



124 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

in the morning, commenced a tremendous cannonade 
from the forts in Boston, and from their shipping in 
the harbour. Cannon-shot are continually rolling and 
rebounding over the hill ; and it is astonishing to ob- 
serve how little our soldiers are terrified by them. 
During the forenoon we were in momentary expecta- 
tion of witnessing an awful scene ; nothing less than 
the carnage of Breed's hill battle was expected. The 
royal troops are perceived to be in motion, as if embark- 
ing to pass the harbour, and land on Dorchester shore, 
to attack our works. The hills and elevations in this 
vicinity are covered with spectators to witness deeds 
of horror in the expected conflict. His excellency 
General Washington is present, animating and en- 
couraging the soldiers, and they in return manifest 
their joy, and express a warm desire for the approach 
of the enemy; each man knows his place, and is reso- 
lute to execute his duty. Our breastworks are 
strengthened, and among the means of defence are a 
great number of barrels, filled with stones and sand, 
arranged in front of our works ; which are to be put 
in motion and made to roll down the hill, to break the 
ranks and legs of the assailants as they advance. 
These are the preparations for blood and slaugh- 
ter ! Gracious God ! if it be determined in thy provi- 
dence that thousands of our fellow-creatures shall this 
day be slain, let thy wrath be appeased, and in mercy 
grant, that victory be on the side of our suffering, 

bleeding country. The anxious day has closed ; 

and the enemy has failed to molest us. From appear- 
ances, however, there are strong reasons to suppose 
that they have only postponed their meditated work 



EVACUATION OF BOSTON. 125 

till another day. It is presumed that the martial fire, 
which has been enkindled in the breasts of our sol- 
diery, will not be extinguished during the night, and 
that they will not rest quietly under their disappoint- 
ment. Early in the morning of the 6th, our regiment 
was relieved from its tour of duty, and I bade adieu to 
Dorchester Heights, without being called to dress a 
single wound. Not more than two or three men were 
killed or wounded during the twenty-four hours. Some 
of the British troops were seen to embark, and pass 
down towards the Castle last evening, to be in readiness, 
as was supposed, in conjunction with others to attack 
our works this morning ; but a most violent storm came 
on in the night, and still continuing, obliges General 
Howe to abandon his enterprise, and thus has a kind 
Providence seen fit to frustrate a design, which must 
have been attended with immense slaughter and blood- 
shed. General Howe must now be sensible of his 
exposed situation, and be convinced of the immediate 
necessity of evacuating the town of Boston, if he would 
prevent the sacrifice of his fleet and army. 

7th. — There are strong indications in Boston that 
the king's troops are preparing to evacuate the town ; 
and that no attempt will be made to dispossess our 
people of the works, which we have constructed on 
Dorchester Heights. 

8^. — A flag of truce has come out of Boston with a 
message from the selectmen, acquainting General 
Washington that General Howe has come to the de- 
termination to evacuate the town, and that he would 
leave it standing, provided his army should be permit- 
ted to retire without being molested. At the same 
11* 



126 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

time intimating, as is reported, that in case he should 
be attacked by our army, the town should be set on 
fire in different places, in order to secure his retreat. 

We are unacquainted with the determination of his 
excellency respecting this proposition; but it is well 
known that he has been in favour of making an attack 
on the town; and that the necessary preparations 
were made, and the plan arranged, to be put in execu- 
tion, in the event of the enemy's meditated attack on 
our works at Dorchester Heights. Four thousand 
troops, the first division commanded by General Sulli- 
van, the second by General Greene, were ordered to 
be in readiness, in case the enemy had advanced and 
been defeated on the heights of Dorchester ; this force, 
at a given signal, was to have rushed into the town 
and taken possession. 

It is credibly reported from Boston, that on the 
morning when the British officers discovered our newly 
erected works, which, on account of a fog, loomed 
to great advantage, and appeared larger than the real- 
ity, General Howe, on viewing them, was heard to say 
in astonishment, " I know not what I shall do ; the 
rebels have done more in one night than my whole 
army would have done in weeks." His admiral soon 
assured him that if the rebels were permitted to hold 
possession, he should not be able to keep a single 
ship in the harbour in safety. 

Nothing of consequence occurred to observation 
till Sunday morning, March 17th, when at an early 
hour it was perceived that the royal army commenced 
their embarkation on board of transports. In the 
course of the forenoon we enjoyed the unspeakable 



EVACUATION OF BOSTON. 127 

satisfaction of beholding their whole fleet under sail, 
wafting from our shores the dreadful scourge of war. 
It was in the power of the provincials by a cannonade 
to have annoyed the enemy's shipping and transports, 
as they passed Dorchester Heights, and to have oc- 
casioned great embarrassment and destruction among 
them ; but no orders were given for this purpose, and 
they were suffered to pass unmolested. By this event 
we are happily relieved of a force consisting of seven 
thousand five hundred and seventy-five regulars, ex- 
clusive of the staff, which, with the marines and 
sailors, may be estimated at about ten thousand in 
the whole. This force greatly exceeds the five regi- 
ments, with which General Grant vauntingly boasted 
in England that he could march successfully from one 
end of the American continent to the other. A con- 
siderable number of tories, who had joined the royal 
standard, took passage with their families on board 
of the transports with the army, and bade adieu to 
their native country, without knowing what part of 
the world is to be their destiny. 

Immediately after the enemy sailed from Boston 
harbour, General Washington ordered the major part 
of his army to march to New York, to secure that 
city against the apprehended invasion of General 
Howe. It was not till Wednesday, the 20th, that 
our troops were permitted to enter the town, when 
our regiment, with two or three others, were ordered 
to march in and take up our quarters, which were 
provided for us in comfortable houses. While march- 
ing through the streets, the inhabitants appeared at 
their doors and windows ; though they manifested a 



128 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

lively joy on being liberated from a long imprison- 
ment, they were not altogether free from a melancholy 
gloom which ten tedious months' siege had spread 
over their countenances. The streets and buildings 
present a scene which reflects disgrace on their late 
occupants, exhibiting a deplorable desolation and 
wretchedness. 

Boston, March 22d. — A concourse of people from 
the country are crowding into town, full of friendly 
solicitude; and it is truly interesting to witness the 
tender interviews and fond embraces of those who 
have been long separated, under circumstances so 
peculiarly distressing. But it is particularly unfortu- 
nate on this occasion, that the small-pox is lurking in 
various parts of the town, which deters many from 
enjoying an interview with their friends. The pa- 
rents and sister of my friend Dr. Townsend have 
continued in town during the siege ; being introduced 
to the family by the doctor, I received a kind and 
polite invitation to take up my abode with them, 
where I am enjoying the kindest attentions and 
civilities. I accompanied several gentlemen to view 
the British fortifications on Roxbury Neck, where I 
observed a prodigious number of little military en- 
gines, called caltrops, or crow-feet, scattered over the 
ground in the vicinity of the works, to impede the 
march of our troops in case of an attack. The 
implement consists of an iron ball, armed with four 
sharp points about one inch in length, so formed that 
which way soever it may fall, one point lies upwards 
to pierce the feet of horses or men, and are admirably 
well calculated to obstruct the march of an enemy. 



EVACUATION OF BOSTON. 129 

23c?. — I went to view the Old South Church, a 
spacious brick building near the centre of the town. 
It has been for more than a century consecrated to 
the service of religion, and many eminent divines 
have in its pulpit laboured in teaching the ways of 
righteousness and truth. But during the late siege, 
the inside of it was entirely destroyed by the British, 
and the sacred building occupied as a riding-school 
by Burgoyne's regiment of dragoons. The pulpit 
and pews were removed, the floor covered with earth, 
and used for the purpose of training and exercising 
their horses. A beautiful pew, ornamented with 
carved work and silk furniture, was demolished ; and 
by order of an officer, the carved work, it is said, was 
used as a fence for a hog-sty. The North Church, a 
very valuable building, was entirely demolished, and 
consumed for fuel. Thus are our houses, devoted to 
religious worship, profaned and destroyed by the 
subjects of his Royal Majesty. His excellency the 
commander-in-chief has been received by the inhabi- 
tants with every mark of respect and gratitude, and 
a public dinner has been provided for him. He re- 
quested the Rev. Dr. Eliot, at the renewal of his 
customary Thursday lecture, to preach a thanks- 
giving sermon, adapted to the joyful occasion. Ac- 
cordingly, on the 28th, this pious divine preached an 
appropriate discourse from Isaiah xxxiii. 20, in pre- 
sence of his excellency and a respectable audience. 




I.J., 



BURNING OF FALMOUTH. 




ONGRESS having intimated 
to General Washington that 
an attack upon Boston was 
much desired, a council of 
war was called (October 18), 
but unanimously agreed that 
it was not expedient, at least 
for the present. On the same 
day Captain Mowat destroyed 
a hundred and thirty-nine houses, and two hundred 
and seventy-eight stores and other buildings, the 
far greatest and best part of the town of Falmouth, 
(now Portland, Maine), in the northern part of 
Massachusetts. The inhabitants, in compliance with 
a resolve of the provincial congress to prevent tories 
carrying out their effects, gave some violent ob- 
struction to the loading of a mast-ship, which drew 
upon them the indignation of the admiral. 



BURNING OF FALMOUTH. 133 

Captain Mowat was despatched in the Canceaux of 
sixteen guns, with an armed large ship, schooner and 
sloop. After anchoring toward the evening of the 
17th within gun-shot, he sent a letter on shore, giv- 
ing them two hours for the removal of their families, 
as he had orders to fire the town, they having been 
guilty of the most unpardonable rebellion. A com- 
mittee of three gentlemen went on board, to learn the 
particular reasons for such orders. He answered, that 
his orders were to set on fire all the seaports between 
Boston and Halifax ; but agreed to spare the town till 
nine o'clock the next morning, would they consent to 
send him off eight small arms, which was immediately 
done. The next morning the committee applied afresh ; 
he concluded to spare the town till he could hear from 
the admiral, in case they would send him off four car- 
riage guns, deliver up all their arms, ammunition, &c. 
and four gentlemen of the town as hostages. That 
not being complied with, about half-past nine he began 
to fire from the four armed vessels, and continued it 
till after dark. With shells and carcasses, and about 
thirty marines whom he landed, he set the town on 
fire in several places. About a hundred of the worst 
houses escaped destruction, but suffered damage. 
The inhabitants got out a very considerable part of 
their furniture, and had not a person killed or wounded, 
though the vessels fired into the town about three 
thousand shot, beside bombs and carcasses. , 

General Lee reprobates their cowardice, in admit- 
ting such a paltry party to land with impunity, and 
set their town in flames, when they had at least two 
hundred fighting men, and powder enough for a battle. 

12 



134 



REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 



In the private letter wherein he expressed these sen- 
timents, he made no mention of the sailors being re- 
pulsed with the loss of a few men ; though this might 
happen in the close of the day, and give occasion for 
its being related by others. The burning of Falmouth 
spread an alarm upon the sea-coast, but produced no 
disposition to submit to the power and mercy of the 
armed British agents. The people in common chose 
rather to abandon the seaports that could not be 
defended, than quit their country's cause ; and there- 
fore removed back, with their effects, to a safe distance. 





Arnold. 



ARNOLD'S EXPEDITION TO QUEBEC. 




ASHINGTON having obtained 
pleasing accounts from Canada, 
being assured that neither Indians 
nor Canadians could be prevailed 
' upon to act against the Ameri- 
cans, and knowing there was a 
design of penetrating into that 
province by Lake Champlain, concerted the plan of 
detaching a body of troops from head-quarters, 
through the province of Maine, across the coun- 
try to Quebec. He communicated the same to 
General Schuyler, who approving it, all things were 
got in readiness. The corps was to be commanded 
by Colonel Arnold, aided by Colonels Christopher 



136 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

Green and Roger Enos, and Majors Meigs and 
Bigelow, and was to consist of ten companies of mus- 
ketmen and three companies of riflemen, amounting 
to eleven hundred. 

In the evening of September 13th, 1775, the de- 
tachment marched from Cambridge for Nevvburyport, 
where, six days after, they embarked on board ten 
transports bound to Kennebec, fifty leagues distant. 
They entered the mouth of the Kennebec in the morn- 
ing, and, favoured with the wind and tide, proceeded 
up to Gardner's town. It was only fourteen days 
from first giving orders for building two hundred 
batteaux, for collecting provisions, and for draughting 
the eleven hundred men, to their reaching this place. — 
Such was the despatch ! 

On the 22d of September the troops embarked on 
board the batteaux, and proceeded to Fort Western 
on the east side of the river. From thence, Captain 
Morgan, with three companies of riflemen, was sent 
forward by water, with orders to get on to the great 
carrying-place in the most expeditious manner, and to 
clear the road, while the other divisions came up. The 
second division embarked the next day, and the third 
the day after. As they advanced up the river the 
stream grew very rapid, and the bottom and shores were 
rocky. (Sept. 29.) By eleven in the morning, Major 
Meigs, with the third division, arrived at Fort Halifax, 
standing on a point of land between the rivers Kenne- 
bec and Sebasticook. In their progress up the river, 
ey met with two carrying-places, over which they 
were obliged to carry their batteaux, baggage, and 
every other article, till they came again to a part of 



EXPEDITION TO QUEBEC. 137 

the river which was navigable, and no longer obstruct- 
ed by water-falls, rapids, rocks or other incumbrances, 
as was that which they avoided. (October 3.) They 
got to Norridgewock, where the major's curiosity was 
entertained by the sight of a child fourteen months old, 
the first white one born in the place. After crossing 
over more carrying-places, he and his men encamped 
at the great carrying-place, (October 10,) which was 
twelve miles and a half across, including three ponds 
that they were obliged to pass. These ponds had 
plenty of trout. Two days after Colonel Enos arrived 
at the same place with the fourth division of the army, 
consisting of three companies of musket-men. Colonel 
Arnold meeting with an Indian, wrote to General 
Schuyler, and enclosed his letter to a friend in Quebec. 
Though he had no knowledge of the Indian, he ven- 
turously intrusted the packet with him, to be carried 
and delivered according to order. This strange con- 
fidence might have ruined his expedition, beside 
involving his friend in great trouble. (October 15.) 
The provision was so reduced, that the men were put 
to allowance, three-quarters of a pound of pork and 
three-quarters of a pound of flour a day for each. 
The next day they reached Dead river. 

Colonel Enos having got up with his division in 
about three days, was ordered to send back the sick, 
and those that could not be furnished with provision ; 
but, contrary to Colonel Arnold's expectation, re- 
turned to Cambridge with his whole division a few 
days after. Major Meigs received orders to push on 
with his division (October 19) for Chaudiere Head, 
with the greatest expedition. But they proceeded 
12* 



138 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

very slowly, by reason of falls, carrying-places, and 
bad weather. Their course was only three miles. 
(October 22.) The rains made the river rise the 
preceding night in some parts eight feet perpen- 
dicular ; and in many places it overflowed its banks, 
and rendered it very difficult for the men on shore to 
march. The next day the stream was so rapid, that, 
in passing it, five or six batteaux filled and overset, 
by which they lost several barrels of provisions, a 
number of guns, clothes, and other articles. Such 
was the rapidity of the stream, and interruptions by 
carrying-places, that it was with much fatigue they got 
on twenty-one miles within the three following days. 
To their great satisfaction they reached the carrying- 
place, (October 27,) which lies across the height of 
land that runs through the colonies to Georgia, and 
on the further side of which the streams run the 
reverse of the river they had ascended. They 
crossed the heights to Chaudiere river, and continued 
their march by land to Quebec. (November 1.) The 
marching through the woods was extremely bad. 
Major Meigs passed a number of soldiers who had 
no provisions, and some of whom were sick. It was 
not in his power to help or relieve them. But one or 
two dogs w r ere killed, which the distressed soldiers 
ate with a relishing appetite, without sparing either 
feet or skin. A few ate their cartouch-boxes, 
breeches, and shoes, being several days without pro- 
vision. The major and his men marched on upon 
the banks of the Chaudiere, (November 3,) and at 
twelve o'clock met with supplies, to the inexpressible 
joy of the soldiers, who were near starving. 



EXPEDITION TO QUEBEC. 139 

Colonel Arnold, with a small party, made a forced 
march, and returned with provisions purchased of the 
inhabitants, on which the hunger-bitten adventurers 
made a voracious meal. (November 4.) The next 
day at eleven, Major Meigs and his men arrived at a 
French house, and were hospitably treated. It was 
the first house he had seen for thirty-one days, having 
been all that time in a rough, barren, and uninhabited 
wilderness, where he never saw a human being except 
those belonging to the detachment. He and his 
party were immediately supplied with fresh beef, 
fowls, butter, pheasants, and vegetables, at this set- 
tlement, called Sertigan, twenty-five leagues from 
Quebec. They were kindly entertained while march- 
ing down the country. 

When Colonel Arnold got within two leagues and 
a half of Point Levi, (November 8,) he wrote to 
General Montgomery, that as he had received no 
answer either from General Schuyler or his friend, he 
made no doubt but that the Indian had betrayed his 
trust, — and that he was confirmed in it, upon finding 
that the inhabitants of Quebec had been some time 
apprised of his coming, and had destroyed all the 
canoes at Point Levi, to prevent the detachments 
from passing over. The fact was, the Indian, instead 
of delivering the packet as directed, carried it to the 
lieutenant-governor, who, on reading the letters, se- 
cured Mr. Mercier, the merchant, and began imme- 
diately to put the city in the best state of defence he 
could ; whereas before it was wholly defenceless, and 
might easily have been carried by surprise. 

On the 9th of November Colonel Arnold arrived 



140 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

at Point Levi, where we leave him to remove, if 
possible, the embarrassments into which his own im- 
prudence has brought him, by needlessly trusting an 
unknown Indian with despatches of the utmost con- 
sequence. The detachment suffered hardships beyond 
what can well be conceived of, in the course of the 
expedition. The men had to haul their batteaux up 
over falls, up rapid streams, over carrying-places, and 
to march through morasses, thick woods, and over 
mountains, for about three hundred and twenty miles. 
In many places they had to pass over the ground and 
the mountains several times, as without it they must 
have left much of their baggage behind, and have 
failed in the enterprise. They lost all their powder, 
except what was in cartridges and horns, while pene- 
trating through the woods. But what proved the 
greatest trial to them, was the starving condition to 
which they were reduced when approaching the end 
of their tedious and distressing march. The pork 
being gone, they had for four days only half-a-pound 
of flour a day for each man. Their whole store was 
then divided, which yielded about four pints of flour 
per man — a small allowance for men near a hundred 
miles from any habitation or prospect of supply. It 
was used sparingly; but several, when they had 
baked and eaten their last morsel, discovered, to their 
great confusion, that they had thirty miles to travel 
before they could expect the least mouthful more. 
But their dread of consequences was soon removed, 
by the unexpected return of Colonel Arnold, with 
cattle. The soldiers exercised the greatest fortitude 
and patience under the difficulties and sufferings that 



EXPEDITION AGAINST QUEBEC. 141 

occurred; and when again in the midst of plenty, and 
an easy situation, soon lost all painful remembrance 
of what had happened, and gloried in having accom- 
plished, by their indefatigable zeal and industry, an 
undertaking above the common race of men in this 
debauched age. 

Let us attend to Colonel Enos. His return to 
camp excited both astonishment and indignation. 
(December 1.) A court martial was ordered to sit 
upon him ; when it appeared that he had but three 
days' provision, and was about one hundred miles from 
the English settlements ; that a council of war was 
called, which agreed upon the return of the colonel's 
whole division ; and that he was for going on without, 
but that it was opposed. It was the unanimous 
opinion of the court that Colonel Enos was under a 
necessity of returning, and he was acquitted with 
honour. A number of officers, of the best character, 
were fully satisfied and persuaded that his conduct 
deserved applause rather than censure. Had he not 
returned, his whole division must have been starved. 





SIEGE OF QUEBEC AND DEATH OF GENERAL 
MONTGOMERY. 




HE Americans, finding all their 
proposals of alliance rejected, 
determined to view Canada as 
a hostile country. They ob- 
served that the British, almost 
entirely occupied in the attempt 
to put down the insurrection, 
had left this country very slightly 
defended. In September, 1775, two expeditions were 
fitted out, which were distinguished by tragical events, 
as well as by the brilliant and romantic valour of 
their chiefs. While the main body, under Mont- 
gomery, marched by Lake Champlain upon Montreal, 
Arnold, with eleven hundred men, sailed up the Ken- 
nebec, and proceeded through the vast forest that 
stretches between it and the St. Lawrence, hoping to 




General Montgomery. 



SIEGE OF QUEBEC. 145 

surprise Quebec. His march through the wilderness 
we have already described. The sufferings of the 
party were extreme, being obliged to eat dog's flesh 
and the leather of their cartouch-boxes. Yet they 
arrived, on the 9th of November, at Point Levi, with- 
out any alarm having reached the capital ; but all 
the shipping had unfortunately been removed from 
that side. Arnold was thus unable to cross, and in 
twenty-four hours the inhabitants were apprised of 
the danger. On the 14th that active officer contrived 
to pass the river and occupy the heights of Abraham, 
though his force was too small for active movements, 
till joined by Montgomery. This commander sent 
forward a reconnoitring party under Colonel Ethan 
Allen, who made a brave but rash attempt on 
Montreal, in which he was taken, with his party, and 
afterwards sent in irons to England. 

Montgomery, however, having reduced the posts 
of St. John and Chambly, and made prisoners of their 
garrisons, which included a large proportion of the 
regular force in Canada, that city was quite unable to 
resist ; and General Carleton, the governor, with 
difficulty escaped in a boat with muffled paddles. 
The American leader then advanced upon Quebec, 
and took the command of the united force. Carleton 
had under arms only eighteen hundred men, of whom 
not more than seventy were regulars ; two hundred 
and thirty of Fraser's Highlanders, who had settled 
in the country, were re-embodied under Colonel 
M'Lean ; the rest were British and Canadian militia, 
seamen, and others. The summons to surrender, how- 
ever, was at once rejected; and Montgomery, after 

13 K 



146 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

pushing the siege during the month of December 
without any prospect of success, determined to carry 
the place by a night-assault. On the 31st, two storm- 
ing parties were formed, — one under himself and the 
other under Arnold. They were to advance from op- 
posite sides, and meet at the foot of Mountain Street, 
then force Prescott Gate, and reach the Upper Town. 
The first battery encountered by Montgomery was de- 
fended chiefly by a party of Canadian militia, with 
nine British seamen to work the guns. Having re- 
ceived some previous notice, they were on the watch j 
and, about daybreak, saw amid the snow a body of 
troops in full march from Wolfe's Cove. Orders were 
given by the British commander to make no move- 
ment ; and the Americans having halted at the distance 
of fifty yards, sent forward an officer to reconnoitre, 
who found everything perfectly still. On his return the 
assailants rushed forward in double quick time to the 
attack. When they were close to the spot, Captain 
Barnsfare, at the critical moment, gave the signal for a 
general discharge of guns and musketry. It told with 
unexpected and fatal effect ; for, among many others, 
Montgomery himself, the gallant chief, fell to rise no 
more. The troops, on witnessing this disaster, made 
a precipitate retreat. 

Meantime Arnold, from the opposite side, pushed 
on his attack with desperate resolution. In assaulting 
the first barrier, he received a severe wound in the leg, 
which obliged him to quit the field. But his party, led 
on by Captain Morgan, carried the post, and pushed 
on to a second. Here, however, their efforts were vain ; 
and General Carleton having sent a detachment upon 



SIEGE OF QUEBEC. 147 

their rear, they were surrounded, and finally, to the 
number of four hundred and twenty-six, obliged to 
surrender. Neither of the parties thus reached the 
main point of attack at Prescott Gate, where the gov- 
ernor was stationed, with the determination to main- 
tain it to the last extremity. 

The British were not yet aware of all the results of 
the contest. As soon as the retreat of the first party 
was ascertained, they went out and collected, from 
under the snow which had already covered them, 
thirteen bodies. The surmise soon arose that one of 
them was that of the commander; yet some hours 
elapsed before an officer of Arnold's division identified 
him, with the deepest expressions of admiration and 
regret. Montgomery, a gentleman of good family in 
the north of Ireland, had served under Wolfe, but 
having afterwards formed a matrimonial connexion in 
America, he had adopted with enthusiasm the cause 
of the United States as that of liberty. His military 
character, joined to his private virtues, inspired 
general esteem, and has secured to him a place on 
the roll of noble and gallant chiefs who fell beneath 
the walls of Quebec. 

Arnold succeeded to the command, and attempted 
still to maintain his ground ; but the dispirited state 
of his men, still more than his actual loss, rendered 
him unable to keep up more than an imperfect 
blockade, at the distance of three miles. In April, 
1776, his place was taken by General Wooster, who 
brought a reinforcement, and made some fresh at- 
tempts, but without success. Early in May, several 
vessels arrived from England with troops and supplies, 



148 



REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 



on which the Americans raised the siege, and fell back 
upon Montreal. Thence they retired from post to 
post, till, on the 18th of June, they finally evacuated 
the province, on which they never made any further 
attempt. 





Sir Guy Carleton. 



SCENES AT QUEBEC DURING THE SIEGE. 



UDGE HENRY, who was one 

of the prisoners taken by the 
British at Quebec, and whose 
opportunities of information ap- 
pear to have been excellent, 
gives in his narrative of the cam- 
paign an account of the death of 
Montgomery, different from that which is given above 
on the authority of Murray, a British writer. Judge 
Henry's account is addressed to his children, and the 
extract given below commences after his account of 




152 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

his own capture, which happened on the 31st of 
December, 1775, when Montgomery fell. 

General Montgomery had marched at the precise 
time stipulated, and had arrived at his destined place 
of attack, nearly about the time we attacked the first 
barrier. He was not one that would loiter. Colonel 
Campbell, of the New York troops, a large, good- 
looking man, who was second in command of that 
party, and was deemed a veteran, accompanied the 
army to the assault ; his station was rearward, General 
Montgomery, with his aids, were at the point of the 
column. 

It is impossible to give you a fair and complete idea 
of the nature and situation of the place solely with 
the pen — the pencil is required. As by the special 
permission of government, obtained by the good offices 
of Captain Prentis, in the summer following, Boyd, a 
few others and myself, reviewed the causes of our dis- 
aster ; it is therefore in my power, so far as my abilities 
will permit, to give you a tolerable notion of the spot. 
Cape Diamond nearly resembles the great jutting rock 
which is in the narrows at Hunter's Falls, on the Sus- 
quehanna. The rock, at the latter place, shoots out 
as steeply as that at Quebec, but by no means forms 
so great an angle, on the margin of the river ; but is 
more craggy. There is a stronger and more obvious 
difference in the comparison. When you surmount 
the hill at St. Charles, or the St. Lawrence side, which 
to the eye are equally high and steep, you are on 
Abraham's Plains, and see an extensive champaign 
country. The bird's-eye view around Quebec bears 



FORTIFICATIONS OF QUEBEC. 153 

a striking conformity to the sites of Northumberland 
and Pittsburg, in Pennsylvania ; but the former is on a 
more gigantic scale, and each of the latter wants the 
steepness and cragginess of the back ground, and 
depth of river. This detail is to instruct you in the 
geographical situation of Quebec, and for the sole 
purpose of explaining the manner of General Mont- 
gomery's death, and the reasons of our failure. From 
Wolf's Cove, there is a good beach down to and around 
" Cape Diamond." The bulwarks of the city came to 
the edge of the hill, above that place. Thence down 
the side of the precipice, slantingly to the brink of the 
river, there was a stockade of strong posts, fifteen or 
twenty feet high, knit together by a stout railing, at 
bottom and top with pins. This was no mean defence, 
and was at the distance of one hundred yards from 
the point of the rock. Within this palisade, and at a 
few yards from the very point itself, there was a like 
palisade, though it did not run so high up the hill. 

Again, within Cape Diamond, and probably at a 
distance of fifty yards, there stood a block-house, 
which seemed to take up the space between the foot 
of the hill and the precipitous bank of the river, 
leaving a cartway or passage on each side of it. 
When heights and distances are spoken of, you 
must recollect that the description of Cape Diamond 
and its vicinity is merely that of the eye, made as it 
were running, under the inspection of an officer. 
The review of the ground our army had acted upon, 
was accorded us as a particular favour. Even to 
have stepped the spaces in a formal manner would 
have been dishonourable, if not a species of treason. 



154 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

A block-house, if well constructed, is an admirable 
method of defence, which in the process of the war, 
to our cost, was fully experienced. In the instance 
now before us (though the house was not built upon 
the most approved principles), it was a formidabb 
object. It was a square of perhaps forty or fifty feet. 
The large logs, neatly squared, were tightly bound 
together by dove-tail work. If not much mistaken, 
the lower story contained loop-holes for musketry, so 
narrow that those within could not be harmed from 
without. The upper story had four or more port- 
holes, for cannon of a large calibre. These guns 
were charged with grape or canister-shot, and were 
pointed with exactness towards the avenue at Cape 
Diamond. The hero Montgomery came. The drowsy 
or drunken guard did not hear the sawing of the 
posts of the first palisade. Here, if not very erro- 
neous, four posts were sawed and thrown aside, so as 
to admit four men abreast. The column entered with 
a manly fortitude. Montgomery, accompanied by 
his aids, M'Pherson and Cheeseman, advanced in 
front. Arriving at the second palisade, the general, 
with his oivn hands, sawed down two of the pickets, 
in such a manner as to admit two men abreast. 
These sawed pickets were close under the hill, and 
but a few yards from the very point of the rock, out 
of the view and fire of the enemy from the block- 
house. Until our troops advanced to the point, no 
harm could ensue but by stones thrown from above. 
Even now there had been but an imperfect discovery 
of the advancing of an enemy, and that only by the 
intoxicated guard. The guard fled ; the general 



SCENES AT QUEBEC. 155 

advanced a few paces. A drunken sailor returned to 
his gun, swearing he would not forsake it while un- 
discharged. This fact is related from the testimony 
of the guard on the morning of our capture, some of 
those sailors being our guard. Applying the match, 
this single discharge deprived us of our excellent 
commander. 

Examining the spot, the officer who escorted us, 
professing to be one of those who first came to the 
place after the death of Montgomery, showed the 
position in which the general's body was found. It 
lay two paces from the brink of the river, on the 
back, the arms extended — Cheeseman lay on the left, 
and M'Pherson on the right, in a triangular position. 
Two other brave men lay near them. The ground 
above described was visited by an inquisitive eye, so 
that you may rely with some implicitness on the truth 
of the picture. As all danger from without had 
vanished, the government had not only permitted the 
mutilated palisades to remain, without renewing the 
enclosure, but the very sticks, sawed by the hand of 
our commander, still lay strewed about the spot. 

Colonel Campbell, appalled by the death of the 
general, retreated a little way from Cape Diamond, 
out of the reach of the cannon of the block-house, 
and called a council of officers, who, it was said, 
justified his receding from the attack. By rushing 
on, as military duty required, and a brave man would 
have done, the block-house might have been occupied 
by a small number, and was unassailable from with- 
out, but by cannon. From the block-house to the 
centre of the Lower Town, where we were, there was 



156 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

no obstacle to impede a force so powerful as that 
under Colonel Campbell. 

Cowardice, or a want of good-will towards our 
cause, left us to our miserable fate. A junction, though 
we might not conquer the fortress, would enable us to 
make an honourable retreat, though with the loss of 
many valuable lives. Campbell, who was ever after 
considered as a poltroon in grain, retreated, leaving 
the bodies of the general, M'Pherson and Cheeseman, 
to be devoured by the dogs. 

The disgust caused among us, as to Campbell, was 
so great as to create the unchristian wish, that he might 
be hanged. In that desultory period, though he was 
tried, he was acquitted ; that was also the case of 
Colonel Enos, who deserted us on the Kennebec. 
There never were two men more worthy of punish- 
ment of the most exemplary kind. 

On the 3d or 4th of January, being as it were 
domesticated in the sergeant's mess in the rcguliers, 
a file of men, headed by an officer, called to conduct 
me to the seminary. Adhering to the advice of 
Colonel M'Dougal, the invitation was declined, though 
the hero Morgan had solicited this grace from 
Governor Carleton, and had sent me a kind and 
pressing message. My reasons, which were explained 
to Morgan, in addition to the one already given, 
operated forcibly on my mind. Having lost all my 
clothes in the wilderness, except those on my back ; 
and those acquired by the provident and gratuitous 
spirit, of General Montgomery having remained at 
our quarters, and become a prey to the women and 
invalids of the army; nothing remained fitting me to 



SCENES AT QUEBEC. 157 

appear in company anywhere. Additionally, it had 
become a resolution, when leaving Lancaster, as my 
absence would go near to break the hearts of my 
parents, never to break upon my worthy father's 
purse. Dire necessity compelled me to rescind this 
resolution in part, in the wilderness, but that circum- 
stance made me the more determined to adhere to 
the resolve afterwards. Again, my intimate friends 
were not in the seminary. Steele was in the hospital, 
and Simpson, by previous command, on the charming 
Isle of Orleans, which, from its fruitfulness, had be- 
come as it were our store-house. Add to all these 
reasons, it could not be said of the gentlemen in the 
seminary, "they are my intimates," except as to 
Captain Morgan, and Lieutenant F. Nichols of Hen- 
drick's. Besides, my leather small-clothes, all in 
fritters, had been cast away, and a savage covering 
adopted until more auspicious times came. But even 
now, an idea of escape and vengeance inflamed the 
breasts of many, and we were here in a much 
superior situation for such a purpose than that of 
the seminary. All these facts and circumstances, 
induced me to decline the friendly solicitation of the 
kind-hearted Morgan. 

On the third day after our capture, the generous 
Carleton despatched a flag to Arnold, to obtain what 
trifling baggage we had left at our quarters. Mine 
was either forgotton, or, miserable as it was, had 
been plundered ; but as good luck would have it, the 
knapsack of one Alexander Nelson, of our company, 
who was killed when running to the first barrier, was 
disclaimed by all of our men. I, in consequence, laid 
14 






158 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

violent hands upon the spoil. It furnished my com- 
panion and myself with a large but coarse blue 
blanket, called a "stroud," and a drummer's regi- 
mental coat. The blanket became a real comfort, 
the coat an article of barter. 

It was on this day that my heart was ready to 
burst with grief at viewing the funeral of our beloved 
general. Carleton had, in our former wars with the 
French, been the friend and fellow-soldier of Mont- 
gomery. Though political opinion, perhaps ambition 
or interest, had thrown these worthies on different 
sides of the great question, yet the former could not 
but honour the remains of his quondam friend. About 
noon the procession passed our quarters. It was 
most solemn. The coffin, covered with a pall, 
surmounted by transverse swords, was borne by men. 
The regular troops, particularly that fine body of men, 
the seventh regiment, with reversed arms, and scarfs 
on the left elbow, accompanied the corpse to the 
grave. The funerals of the other officers, both 
friends and enemies, were performed this day. From 
many of us it drew tears of affection for the de- 
ceased, — and speaking for myself, tears of greeting 
and thankfulness towards General Carleton. The 
soldiery and inhabitants appeared affected by the loss 
of this invaluable man, though he was their enemy. 
If such men as Washington, Carleton, and Mont- 
gomery, had had the entire direction of the adverse 
war, the contention, in the event, might have happily 
terminated to the advantage of both sections of the 
nation. M'Pherson, Cheeseman, Hendricks, and Hum- 
phreys, were all dignified by the manner of burial. 



SCENES AT QUEBEC. 161 

On the same or the following day, we were com- 
pelled (if we would look) to a more disgusting and 
torturing sight. Many carioles, repeatedly one after 
the other, passed our dwelling loaded with the dead, 
whether of the assailants or of the garrison, to a 
place emphatically called the "dead-house." Here 
the bodies were heaped in monstrous piles. The 
horror of the sight, to us southern men, principally 
consisted in seeing our companions borne to in- 
terment, uncoffined, and in the very clothes they had 
worn in battle, — their limbs distorted in various di- 
rections, such as would ensue in the moment of death. 
Many of our friends and acquaintances were apparent. 
Poor Nelson lay on the top of half-a-dozen other 
bodies, his arms extended beyond his head, as if in 
the act of prayer, and one knee crooked and raised, 
seemingly, when he last gasped in the agonies of 
death. A flood of tears was consequent. Though 
Montgomery was beloved, because of his manliness 
of soul, heroic bravery, and suavity of manners — 
Hendricks and Humphreys, for the same admirable 
qualities, and especially for the endurances we under- 
went in conjunction, which caused many a tear — still 
my unhappy and lost brethren, though in humble 
station, with whom that dreadful wild was penetrated, 
and from whom came many attentions towards me, 
forced melancholy sensations. 

From what is said relative to the " dead-house," 
you might conclude that General Carleton was in- 
humane or hard-hearted. No such thing. In this 
northern latitude, at this season of the year, ac- 
cording to my feelings (we had no thermometer), the 

14* L 



162 



REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 



weather was so cold as usually to be many degrees 
below zero. A wound, if mortal, or even otherwise, 
casts the party wounded into the snow; if death 
should follow, it throws the sufferer into various 
attitudes, which are assumed in the extreme pain 
accompanying death. The moment death takes 
place, the frost fixes the limbs in whatever situation 
they may then happen to be, and which cannot be 
reduced to decent order until they are thawed. In 
this state the bodies of the slain are deposited in the 
"dead-house," hard as ice. At this season of the 
year the earth is frozen from two to five feet deep, 
impenetrable to the best pickaxe, in the hands of the 
stoutest man. Hence you may perceive a justification 
of the " dead-house." It is no new observation, that 
"climates form the manners and habitudes of the 
people." 





Sir Peter Parker 



EXPEDITION AGAINST CHARLESTON. 



HARLESTON, the capital of 
v South Carolina, stands on a 
h ^j point of land which lies be- 
iyCs* tween the rivers Cooper and 
Ashley, which fall into a bay of the 
Atlantic; and in the bay there are 
several islands. The people re- 
solved to fortify the capital of the province ; and for 
that purpose erected a fort on Sullivan's Island, which 
lies in the bay, about six miles below the town, and 
near the channel leading to it. The fort was con- 




166 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

structed with the wood of the palmetto, a tree peculiar 
to the Southern States, which grows from twenty to 
forty feet high without branches, and terminates in a 
top resembling the head of a cabbage. The wood of 
the tree is remarkably spongy ; and a ball entering it 
makes no extended fracture, but buries itself in the 
wood, without injuring the adjacent parts. The fort 
was mounted with about thirty cannon — thirty-two, 
eighteen, and nine-pounders. 

In the latter part of the year 1775 and beginning 
of 1776, great exertions had been made in Britain to 
send an overwhelming force into America; and on 
the 2d of June the alarm-guns were fired in the 
vicinity of Charleston, and expresses sent to the 
militia officers to hasten to the defence of the capital 
with the forces under their command. The order 
was promptly obeyed ; and some continental regi- 
ments from the neighbouring states also arrived. The 
whole was under the direction of General Lee, who 
had been appointed commander of all the forces in 
the Southern States, and had under him the conti- 
nental generals, Armstrong and Howe. 

The utmost activity prevailed in Charleston. 
The citizens, abandoning their usual avocations, em- 
ployed themselves entirely in putting the town into a 
respectable state of defence. They pulled down the 
valuable storehouses on the wharves, barricaded the 
streets, and constructed lines of defence along the 
shore. Relinquishing the pursuits of peaceful industry 
and commercial gain, they engaged in incessant la- 
bour, and prepared for bloody conflicts. The troops, 
amounting to between five and six thousand men, 



EXPEDITION AGAINST CHARLESTON. 167 

were stationed in the most advantageous positions. 
The second and third regular regiments of South 
Carolina, under Colonels Moultrie and Thomson, 
were posted on Sullivan's Island. A regiment, com- 
manded by Colonel Gadsden, was stationed at Fort 
Johnson, about three miles below Charleston, on 
the most northerly point of James's Island, and within 
point-blank shot of the channel. The rest of the 
troops were posted at Haddrel's Point, along the bay 
near the town, and at such other places as were 
thought most proper. Amidst all this bustle and 
preparation, lead for bullets was extremely scarce, 
and the windows of Charleston were stripped of 
their weights, in order to procure a small supply of 
that necessary article. 

While the Americans were thus busily employed, 
the British exerted themselves with activity. About 
the middle of February, an armament sailed from the 
cove of Cork, under the command of Sir Peter Parker 
and Earl Cornwallis, to encourage and support the 
loyalists in the southern provinces. 

After a tedious voyage, the greater part of the fleet 
reached Cape Fear, in North Carolina, on the 3d of 
May. General Clinton, who had left Boston in De- 
cember, took the command of the land forces, and 
issued a proclamation, promising pardon to all the 
inhabitants who laid down their arms ; but that pro- 
clamation produced no effect. Early in June, an 
armament, consisting of between forty and fifty ves- 
sels, appeared off Charleston Bay, and thirty-six of 
the transports passed the bar, and anchored about 
three miles from Sullivan's Island. Some hundreds of 



168 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

the troops landed on Long Island, which lies on the 
west of Sullivan's Island, and which is separated from it 
by a narrow channel, often fordable. On the 10th of 
the month, the Bristol, a fifty-gun ship, having taken 
out her guns, got safely over the bar ; and on the 25th, 
the Experiment, a ship of equal force, arrived, and next 
day passed in the same way. On the part of the 
British everything was now ready for action. Sir 
Henry Clinton had nearly three thousand men under 
his command. The naval force, under Sir Peter Park- 
er, consisted of the Bristol and Experiment, of fifty 
guns each ; the Acteon, Solebay, and Syren frigates, 
of twenty-eight guns each ; the Friendship, of twenty- 
two, and the Sphinx, of twenty guns ; the Ranger 
sloop, and Thunder bomb, of eight guns each. 

On the forenoon of the 28th of June, this fleet ad- 
vanced against the fort on Sullivan's Island, which 
was defended by Colonel Moultrie, with three hun- 
dred and forty-four regular troops, and some militia, 
who volunteered their services on the occasion. The 
Thunder bomb began the battle. The Acteon, Bristol, 
Experiment, and Solebay followed boldly to the attack, 
and a terrible cannonade ensued. The fort returned 
the fire of the ships slowly, but with deliberate and 
deadly aim. The contest was carried on during the 
whole day with unabating fury. All the forces col- 
lected at Charleston stood prepared for battle; and 
both the troops and the numerous spectators beheld 
the conflict with alternations of hope and fear, which 
appeared in their countenances and gestures. They 
knew not how soon the fort might be silenced or passed 
by, and the attack made immediately upon them- 



ATTACK ON FORT MOULTRIE. 169 

selves ; but they were resolved to meet the invaders 
at the water's edge, to dispute every inch of ground, and 
to prefer death to what they considered to be slavery. 

The Sphinx, Acteon, and Syren were ordered to 
attack the western extremity of the fort, which was 
in a very unfinished state ; but as they proceeded for 
that purpose, they got entangled with a shoal, called 
the Middle Ground. Two of them ran foul of each 
other ; the Acteon stuck fast ; the Sphinx and Syren 
got off, the former with the loss of her bowsprit, the 
latter with little injury ; but, happily for the Ameri- 
cans, that part of the attack completely failed. 

It had been concerted that, during the attack by 
the ships, Sir Henry Clinton, with the troops, should 
pass the narrow channel which separates Long Island 
from Sullivan's Island, and assail the fort by land ; but 
this the general found impracticable ; for the channel, 
though commonly fordable, was at that time, by a long 
prevalence of easterly winds, deeper than usual. Sir 
Henry Clinton and some other officers waded up to 
the shoulders ; but finding the depth still increasing, 
they abandoned the intention of attempting the passage. 
The seamen who found themselves engaged in such a 
severe conflict, often cast a wistful look towards Long 
Island, in the hope of seeing Sir Henry Clinton and the 
troops advancing against the fort ; but their hope was 
disappointed, and the ships and the fort were left to 
themselves to decide the combat. Although the chan- 
nel had been fordable, the British troops would have 
found the passage an arduous enterprise ; for Colonel 
Thomson, with a strong detachment of riflemen, reg- 
ulars, and militia, was posted on the east end of Sulli- 
15 



170 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

van's Island to oppose any attack made in that 
quarter. 

In the course of the day the fire of the fort ceased 
for a short time, and the British flattered themselves 
that the guns were abandoned; but the pause was 
occasioned solely by the want of powder, and when a 
supply was obtained the cannonade recommenced as 
steadily as before. The engagement, which began 
about eleven o'clock in the forenoon, continued with 
unabated fury till seven in the evening, when the fire 
slackened, and about nine entirely ceased on both 
sides. During the night, all the ships except the 
Acteon, which was aground, removed about two 
miles from the island. Next morning the fort fired a 
few shots at the Acteon, and she at first returned 
them ; but, in a short time, her crew set her on fire 
and abandoned her. A party of Americans boarded 
the burning vessel, seized her colours, fired some of 
her guns at Commodore Parker, filled three boats 
with her sails and stores, and then quitted her. She 
blew up shortly afterwards. 

In this obstinate engagement both parties fought 
with great gallantry. The loss of the British was 
considerable. The Bristol had forty men killed, and 
seventy-one wounded ; Mr. Morris, her captain, lost 
an arm. The Experiment had twenty-three men 
killed, and seventy-six wounded ; Captain Scott, her 
commander, also lost an arm ; Lord William Camp- 
bell, the late governor of the province, who served on 
board as a volunteer, received a wound in his side, 
which ultimately proved mortal ; Commodore Sir 
Peter Parker received a slight contusion. The 



ATTACK ON FORT MOULTRIE. 171 

Acteon had Lieutenant Pike killed, and six men 
wounded. The Solebay had eight men wounded. 
After some days the troops were all reimbarked, and 
the whole armament sailed for New York. The gar- 
rison lost ten men killed, and twenty-two wounded. 
Although the Americans were raw troops, yet they 
behaved with the steady intrepidity of veterans. In 
the course of the engagement the flag-staff of the fort 
was shot away ; but Sergeant Jasper leaped down 
upon the beach, snatched up the flag, fastened it to 
a sponge staff, and, while the ships were incessantly 
directing their broadsides upon the fort, he mounted 
the merlon and deliberately replaced the flag. Next 
day President Rutledge presented him with a sword, 
as a testimony of respect for his distinguished valour. 
Colonel Moultrie, and the officers and troops on Sul- 
livan's Island, received the thanks of their country 
for their bravery ; and, in honour of the gallant com- 
mander, the fort was named Fort Moultrie. 

The failure of the attack on Charleston was of 
great importance to the American cause, and con- 
tributed much to the establishment of the popular 
government. The friends of Congress triumphed ; 
and numbers of them, ignorant of the power of 
Britain and of the spirit which animated her counsels, 
fondly imagined that their freedom was achieved. 
The diffident became bold ; the advocates of the irre- 
sistibility of British fleets and armies were mor- 
tified and silenced ; and they who from interested 
motives had hitherto been loud in their professions of 
loyalty, began to alter their tone. The brave defence 
of Fort Moultrie saved the Southern States from the 
horrors of war for several years. 




Independence Hall, Philadelphia. 



THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 



was 



HE part taken by Adams 
and Jefferson in bringing 
about the Declaration of 
|J Independence, is thus de- 
scribed by Mr. Everett : 

In 1774, and on the 
17th of June, a day des- 
tined to be in every way 
illustrious, Mr. Adams 
elected a member of the Continental Congress, 




DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 173 

of which body he was signalized, from the first, as a 
distinguished leader. In the month of June in the 
following year, when a commander-in-chief was to be 
chosen for the American armies, and when that 
appointment seemed in course to belong to the 
commanding general of the brave army from Massa- 
chusetts and the neighbouring states, which had 
rushed to the field, Mr. Adams nominated George 
Washington to that all-important post, and was thus 
far the means of securing the blessing of his guidance 
to the American armies. 

In August 1775, Mr. Jefferson took his seat in the 
Continental Congress, preceded by the fame of being 
one of the most' accomplished and powerful cham- 
pions of the cause, though among the youngest mem- 
bers of the body. It was the wish of Mr. Adams, 
and probably of Mr. Jefferson, that independence 
should be declared in the fall of 1775 ; but the coun- 
try seemed not then ripe for the measure. 

At length the accepted time arrived. In May 
1776, the colonies, on the proposition of Mr. Adams, 
were invited by the General Congress to establish 
their several state governments. On the 7th of June 
the resolution of independence was moved by Richard 
Henry Lee. On the 11th a committee of five was 
chosen, to announce this resolution to the world ; and 
Thomas Jefferson and John Adams stood at the head 
of this committee. From their designation by ballot 
to this most honourable duty, their elevated standing 
in the Congress might alone be inferred. In their ami- 
cable contention and deference each to the other of 
the great trust of composing the all-important docu- 
15* 



174 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

ment, we witness their patriotic disinterestedness and 
their mutual respect. This trust devolved on Jeffer- 
son, and with it rests on him the imperishable renown 
of having penned the Declaration of Independence of 
America. To have been the instrument of expressing, 
in one brief decisive act, the concentrated will and reso- 
lution of a whole family of states ; of unfolding, in one 
all-important manifesto, the causes, the motives, the justi- 
fication of the great movement in human affairs which 
was then taking place; to have been permitted to 
give the impress and peculiarity of his own mind to a 
charter of public right, destined, or rather let me say, 
already elevated to an importance, in the estimation 
of men, beyond everything human, ever borne on 
parchment, or expressed in the visible signs of thought, 
this is the glory of Thomas Jefferson. To have been 
among the first of those who foresaw, and foreseeing 
broke the way for this great consummation ; to have 
been the mover of numerous decisive acts, its un- 
doubted precursors ; to have been among many able 
and generous spirits, that united in this perilous ad- 
venture, by acknowledgment unsurpassed in zeal, and 
unequalled in power ; to have been exclusively associa- 
ted with the author of the declaration ; and then, in 
the exercise of an eloquence as prompt as it was over- 
whelming, to have taken the lead in inspiring the 
Congress to adopt and proclaim it, this is the glory 
of John Adams. 

Nor was it among common and inferior minds, that 
these men enjoyed their sublime pre-eminence. In the 
body that elected Mr. Jefferson to draft the Declaration 
of Independence, there sat a patriot sage, than whom 



DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 175 

the English language does not boast a better writer, 
Benjamin Franklin. And Mr. Adams was pronounced 
by Mr. Jefferson himself the ablest advocate of inde- 
pendence, in a Congress which could boast among its 
members such men as Patrick Henry, Richard Henry 
Lee, and our own Samuel Adams. They were great 
and among great men ; mightiest among the mighty ; 
and enjoyed their lofty standing in a body of which 
half the members might with honour have presided 
over the deliberative councils of a nation. 

All glorious as their office in this council of sages 
has proved, they beheld the glory only in distant vision, 
while the prospect before them was shrouded with 
darkness and lowering with terror. " I am not trans- 
ported with enthusiasm," is the language of Mr. Adams, 
the day after the resolution was adopted ; "lam well 
aware of the toil, the treasure, and the blood it will 
cost, to maintain this declaration, to support and defend 
these states. Yet through all the gloom, I can see a 
ray of light and glory. I can see that the end is worth 
more than all the means." Nor was it the rash adven- 
ture of uneasy spirits, who had everything to gain and 
nothing to risk by their enterprise. They left all for 
their country's sake. Who does not see that Adams 
and Jefferson might have risen to any station in the 
British empire ! They might have revelled in the royal 
bounty ; they might have shared the imperial counsels ; 
they might have stood within the shadow of the throne 
which they shook to its base. It was in the full un- 
derstanding of their all but desperate choice, that they 
chose for their country. Many were the inducements 
which called them to another choice. The dread voice 



176 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

of authority; the array of an empire's power; the 
pleadings of friendship ; the yearning of their hearts 
towards the land of their fathers' sepulchres — the land 
which the great champions of constitutional liberty 
still made venerable ; the ghastly vision of the gibbet, 
if they failed ; all the feelings which 'grew from these 
sources were to be stifled and kept down, for a dearer 
treasure was at stake. They were anything but ad- 
venturers, anything but malecontents. They loved 
peace, they loved order, they loved law, they loved a 
manly obedience to constitutional authority ; but they 
chiefly loved freedom and their country ; and they took 
up the ark of her liberties with pure hands, and bore 
it through in triumph, for their strength was in 
Heaven. 








THE BATTLE OF LONG ISLAND. 



N evacuating Boston, General 
Howe retired with his forces 
to Halifax, and General Wash- 
ington started for New York, 
where he soon arrived with 
his army. In that city the 
British interest had been more 
powerful than in any other 
place in the provinces; and the struggle between 
the friends of British domination and of American 
freedom had been more doubtful there than in any 
other quarter. But, by superior numbers and more 




178 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

daring activity, the adherents of Congress had gained 
the ascendancy. On his arrival in the city, General 
Washington endeavoured to put it into a posture of 
defence ; and as the British, by means of their fleet, 
had the command of the waters, he attempted to 
obstruct the navigation of the East and North Rivers, 
by sinking vessels in the channels. He also raised 
fortifications at New York, and on Long Island; and 
made every preparation in his power for giving the 
British army a vigorous reception. 

General Howe remained some time at Halifax ; but 
after the recovery of his troops from the fatigue and 
sickness occasioned by the blockade of Boston, he em- 
barked, sailed to the southward, and on the 2d of July 
landed, without opposition, on Staten Island, which 
lies on the coast of New Jersey, and is separated from 
Long Island by a channel called the Narrows. His 
army amounted to nine thousand men ; and his brother 
Lord Howe, commander of the British fleet, who had 
touched at Halifax expecting to find him there, arrived 
soon afterwards, with a reinforcement of about twenty 
thousand men from Britain. Thus General Howe had 
the command of nearly thirty thousand troops, for the 
purpose of subjugating the American colonies ; a more 
formidable force than had ever before visited these 
shores. General Washington was ill prepared to meet 
such a powerful army. His force consisted of about 
nine thousand men, many of whom were ill-armed, and 
about two thousand more without any arms at all; 
but new levies were daily coming in. 

On his arrival, Lord Howe, by a flag, sent ashore 
to Amboy a circular letter to several of the late royal 



BATTLE OF LONG ISLAND. 179 

governors, and a declaration mentioning the powers 
with which he and his brother the general were invested, 
and desiring their publication. These papers General 
Washington transmitted to Congress, who ordered them 
to be published in the newspapers, that the people, as 
they alleged, might be apprised of the nature and extent 
of the powers of these commissioners, with the expect- 
ation of whom it had been attempted to amuse and 
disarm them. General Howe wished to open a corres- 
pondence with General Washington, but without 
acknowledging his official character as commander- 
in-chief of the American armies ; and for this purpose 
he sent a letter to New York, addressed to " George 
Washington, Esquire." That letter the general refused 
to receive, because it was not addressed to him in his 
official character. A second letter was sent, addressed 
to " George Washington, &c. &c. &c." That also, 
the general declined to receive ; but acted in the most 
polite manner towards Adjutant-General Paterson, the 
officer who bore it ; who, on his part, behaved himself 
in a manner becoming his character as a gentleman. 
Congress approved of the conduct of General Wash- 
ington on the occasion ; and ordered that none of their 
officers should receive letters or messages from the 
British army unless addressed to them according to 
their respective ranks. But this dispute about a point 
of form was soon succeeded by the din of arms and 
the horrors of active warfare. The American army 
was not very formidable. In the month of July, indeed, 
it amounted to about seventeen thousand men, but a 
much greater number had been expected ; of fifteen 
thousand new levies, that had been ordered, only five 



180 



REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 




Washington declining Howe's Letter. 



thousand had arrived in camp. But the quality and 
equipment of the troops were more discouraging than 
their numbers: they were ill-disciplined, ill-armed, 
and little accustomed to that subordination and prompt 
obedience, which are essential to the efficiency of an 
army. They were as deficient in ammunition as in 
armour ; and, instead of being cordially united in the 
common cause, they were distracted by provincial jea- 
lousies, prejudices, and animosities. 

This raw and ill-armed multitude was opposed to 
thirty thousand troops, many of them veterans, all of 
them excellently equipped, and provided with a fine 
train of artillery. The Americans soon had the mor- 
tification to find that all their endeavours to obstruct 



BATTLE OF LONG ISLAND. 181 

the navigation of the rivers were ineffectual ; for several 
British ships-of-war passed up the North River, with- 
out receiving any considerable damage from a heavy 
cannonade directed against them from the shore. 

The American army was posted partly at New 
York, and partly on Long Island. General Greene 
commanded in the latter place ; but that officer being 
taken ill, General Sullivan was appointed in his room. 
General Howe, having collected his troops on Staten 
Island, and finding himself sufficiently strong to com- 
mence active operations, on the 22d of August 
crossed the Narrows without opposition, and landed 
on Long Island, between two small towns, Utrecht 
and Gravesend. 

The American division on the island, about eleven 
thousand strong, occupied a fortified camp at 
Brooklyn, opposite New York. Their right flank 
was covered by a marsh, which extended to the 
East River near Mill Creek ; their left, by an elbow 
of the river named Wallabach Bay. Across the 
peninsula, from Mill Creek to Wallabach Bay, the 
Americans had thrown up intrenchments, secured by 
abattis, or felled trees with their tops turned outwards, 
and flanked by strong redoubts. In their rear was 
the East River, about thirteen hundred yards wide, 
separating them from New York. In front of the 
fortified camp, and at some distance from it, a woody 
ridge obliquely intersected the island; and through 
that ridge there are passages by three different de- 
files — one at the southern extremity near the Narrows, 
another about the middle on the Flatbush road, and 
a third near the northeast extremity of the hills on 

16 



182 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

the Bedford road. Those defiles General Greene had 
carefully examined ; and as it was evident that the 
British army must debark on the further side of the 
ridge, he resolved to dispute the passage of the defiles. 
General Sullivan, who succeeded to the command on 
the illness of General Greene, was not equally sensible 
of the importance of those passes. On the landing 
of the British, however, he sent strong detachments 
to guard the passes near the Narrows, and on the 
Flatbush road ; but the more distant pass he did not 
duly attend to, merely sending an officer with a party 
to observe it, and give notice if the enemy should 
appear there. That was no adequate precaution for 
the security of the pass ; and the officer appointed to 
watch it discharged his duty in the most slovenly 
manner. 

General Howe soon learned that there would be 
little difficulty in marching by the most distant defile, 
and turning the left of the Americans. Accordingly, 
early in the morning of the 27th of August, assisted 
by Sir Henry Clinton, who had joined him some time 
before with the troops that had been employed in the 
unsuccessful attack on Sullivan's Island, he marched 
with a strong column towards that defile. In order 
to divert the attention of the Americans from that 
movement, he ordered Generals Grant and Heister, 
with their respective divisions, to attack the passes 
near the Narrows and on the Flatbush road. General 
Grant proceeded to the southernmost defile. The 
American advanced guard fled on his approach ; but 
the commander of the detachment appointed to guard 
that pass afterwards occupied an advantageous po- 



BATTLE OF LONG ISLAND. 183 

sition, and bravely maintained his ground. General 
Heister, with the Hessians, skirmished on the Flat- 
bush road. 

While the attention of the Americans was engaged 
by the operation of those two columns, the main body 
of the British army proceeded without interruption 
through the most remote pass ; and the American 
officer appointed to observe that road, performed his 
duty so ill, that General Howe's column had nearly 
gained the rear of the American detachment who de- 
fended the pass on the Flatbush road, before he gave 
the alarm. That division had hitherto steadily resist- 
ed the Hessians ; but being apprised of the progress 
of the hostile column on their left, and being appre- 
hensive of an attack on their rear, they began to re- 
treat. That movement, however, was too late ; for 
they were met by the British who had now gained 
their rear, and who drove them back on the Hessians, 
who, in their turn, compelled them to retreat towards 
the British. Thus they were driven backward and 
forward between two fires, till, by a desperate effort, 
the greater part of them forced their way through the 
British line, and regained their camp. 

The division which opposed General Grant fought 
bravely, and maintained their ground until informed 
of the defeat of the left wing, when they retreated in 
confusion ; and, in order to avoid the enemy, who 
were far advanced on their rear, the greater part of 
them attempted to escape along the dike of a mill-dam, 
and through a marsh, where many of them perished, 
but a remnant regained the camp. This division suf- 
fered severely, and the loss was much regretted, be- 



184 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

cause many young men of the most respectable 
families in Maryland belonged to it, and fell on the 
occasion. 

The British soldiers behaved with their usual 
courage, and it was with difficulty that they were 
restrained from instantly attacking the American 
camp: but General Howe, who always exercised a 
laudable care of the lives of his men, checked their 
impetuosity ; perceiving that, without any great loss, 
he could compel the Americans to surrender, or to 
evacuate their camp. On that disastrous day the 
Americans lost two thousand men, in killed, wounded, 
and prisoners ; among the latter were Generals Sulli- 
van, Woodhull, and Alexander, titular Lord Stirling. 
They also lost six pieces of artillery. The British 
and Hessians had between three and four hundred 
men killed or wounded. 

To attempt the defence of the islands against an 
enemy with a triumphant navy was an error in the 
American plan of the campaign ; but the loss of 
the battle, or at least the easy victory of the 
British, was owing to the incapacity of General 
Sullivan. He was full of confidence, and paid no 
due attention to the more distant pass ; but the 
issue of the day showed him, that confidence was 
not always the harbinger of success. Had Greene 
commanded, the result would probably have been 
somewhat different. 

In the evening, the victorious army encamped in 
front of the American works; and on the morning 
of the 28th, broke ground about six hundred yards 
from the redoubt on the left. The Americans soon 



BATTLE OF LONG ISLAND. 187 

became sensible that their position was untenable, 
and a retreat was resolved on; but the execution 
of that measure presented great difficulties. The 
East River, nearly a mile broad, and* sufficiently deep 
to float vessels of war, was in their rear; the British 
had a strong fleet at hand ; and the victorious army 
was in front. Escape seemed impracticable ; but in 
the face of all those difficulties, the Americans, to 
the number of nine thousand men, with their am- 
munition, artillery, provisions, horses, and carriages, 
on the evening of the 29th and morning of the 30th 
of August, passed over from Brooklyn to New York, 
without the loss of a man. The retreat took thirteen 
hours, during part of which time it rained ; and, on 
the morning of the 30th, a thick fog hung over Long 
Island, and concealed from the British the operations 
of the Americans, while at New York the atmosphere 
was perfectly clear. The fog disappeared about half 
an hour after the American rear-guard had left the 
island. Thus, by great exertions and a fortunate 
combination of circumstances, the American army 
escaped from the perilous situation in which it had 
been placed. 





General Charles Lee. 



WASHINGTON'S RETREAT THROUGH JERSEY 
CAPTURE OF GENERAL LEE. 




N the 12th of November, 
General Washington had 
crossed the North River 
with part of his army, and 
taken a position not far from 
Fort Lee, having left up- 
wards of seven thousand 
men at North Castle, under 
the command of General Lee. 



RETREAT THROUGH JERSEY. 189 

At that time, the American army was in a critical 
and alarming state. It was composed chiefly of 
militia, and of men engaged for a short time only. 
The term of service of many of them was about to 
expire ; and the republican military force was on the 
point of dissolution, in the presence of a well-dis- 
ciplined, well-appointed, and victorious enemy. 

In that threatening posture of public affairs, Gen- 
eral Washington applied to the state of Massa- 
chusetts for four thousand new militia; and Gen- 
eral Lee besought the militia under his command to 
remain for a few days after their term of service was 
expired. But the application of the commander-in- 
chief was not promptly answered ; and the earnest 
entreaties of General Lee were almost utterly disre- 
garded. 

On the fall of Forts Washington and Lee, General 
Washington, with his little army, of about three thou- 
sand effective men, ill armed, worse clad, and almost 
without tents, blankets, or utensils for cooking their 
provisions, took a position behind the Hackensack. 
His army consisted chiefly of the garrison of Fort 
Lee, which had been obliged to evacuate that place 
with so much precipitation as to leave behind them the 
tents and most of the articles of comfort and accom- 
modation in their possession. But although General 
Washington made a show of resistance by occupying 
the line of the Hackensack, yet he was sensible of his 
inability to dispute the passage of that river ; he there- 
fore retreated to Newark. There he remained some 
days, making the most earnest applications in every 



190 



REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 




Retreat through 



quarter for reinforcements, and pressing General Lee 
to hasten his march to the southward and join him. 

On the advance of Earl Cornwallis, General 
Washington abandoned Newark, and retreated to 
Brunswick, a small village on the Raritan. While 
there, the term of service of a number of his troops 
expired, and he had the mortification to see them 
abandon him. From Brunswick the Americans re- 
treated to Trenton. There General Washington re- 
ceived a reinforcement of about two thousand men 
from Pennsylvania. He had taken the precaution of 
collecting and guarding all the boats on the Delaware 
from Philadelphia for seventy miles higher up the river. 
He sent his sick to Philadelphia, and his heavy artillery 
and baggage across the Delaware. Having taken these 
precautionary measures, and being somewhat encour- 
aged by the reinforcements which he had received, he 



RETREAT THROUGH JERSEY. 191 

halted some time at Trenton, and even began to advance 
towards Princeton ; but being informed that Earl Corn- 
wallis, strongly reinforced, was marching against him, 
he was obliged to seek refuge behind the river Del- 
aware. On the 8th of December he accomplished 
the passage at Trenton ferry, the van of the British 
army making its appearance just as his rear-guard 
had crossed. 

General Washington was careful to secure all the 
boats on the south side of the river, and to guard all 
those places where it was probable that the Brit- 
ish army might attempt to pass; so that his feeble 
army was secured from the danger of an immediate 
attack. The British troops made demonstrations of 
an intention to cross the river, and detachments were 
stationed to oppose them ; but the attempt was not 
seriously made. In this situation the American com- 
mander anxiously waited for reinforcements, and sent 
some parties over the river to observe and annoy 
the enemy. 

While General Washington was retreating through 
the Jerseys, he earnestly desired General Lee, who 
had been left in command of the division of the 
army at North Castle, to hasten his march to the 
Delaware and join the main army. But that officer, 
notwithstanding the critical nature of the case, and 
the pressing orders of his commander, was in no 
haste to obey. Reluctant to give up his separate 
command, and subject himself to superior authority, 
he marched slowly to the southward, at the head of 
about three thousand men ; and his sluggish move- 
ments and unwary conduct proved fatal to his own 



192 



REVOLUTIONARY WAR, 



personal liberty, and excited a lively sensation through- 
out America. He lay carelessly, without a guard, and 
at some distance from his troops, at Baskingridge, in 
Morris county, where, on the 13th of December, 
Colonel Harcourt, who, with a small detachment of 
light horse, had been sent to observe the movements of 
that division of the American army, by a gallant act 
of partisan warfare made him prisoner, and conveyed 
him rapidly to New York. For some time he was 
closely confined, and considered not as a prisoner of 
war, but as a deserter from the British army. The 
capture of General Lee was regarded as a great 
misfortune by the Americans; for at that time he 
enjoyed, in a high degree, the esteem and confidence 
of the friends of Congress; on the other hand, the British 
exulted in his captivity, as equal to a signal victory, 
declaring " that they had taken the American palla- 
dium." 





General Knox. 



BATTLE OF TRENTON. 

TN that alarming state 
of affairs which pre- 
sented itself in the 
winter of 1776, the 
American leaders 
still maintained an 
erect posture, and 
their brave and per- 
severing commander- 
in-chief did not des- 
pair. Congress actively employed all the means in 
their power for supporting their independence, and 
General Washington applied in every quarter for 

17 m 




194 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

reinforcements. He perceived the security of the 
British commander-in-chief, and the advantages which 
the scattered cantonment of his troops presented to 
the American arms. " Now," exclaimed he, on being 
informed of the widely dispersed state of the British 
troops, " is the time to clip their wings, when they 
are so spread ;" and, accordingly, he resolved to make 
a bold effort to check the progress of the enemy. 
For that purpose he planned an attack on the 
Hessians at Trenton. General Putnam, who was 
stationed in Philadelphia, might have been useful in 
creating a diversion on that side ; but in that city the 
disaffection to Congress was so great, and the friends 
of Britain so strong, that it was deemed inexpedient 
to withdraw, even for a short time, the troops posted 
there. But a small party of militia, under Colonel 
Griffin, passed the Delaware near Philadelphia, and 
advanced to Mount Holly. Count Donop marched 
against them, but, on their retreat, he returned to 
Bordentown. 

General Washington formed his troops into three 
divisions, which were almost simultaneously to pass 
the Delaware, at three different places, on the evening 
of the 25th of December, hoping to surprise the 
enemy after the festivities of Christmas. One division, 
under General Cadwalader, was to pass the river 
in the vicinity of Bristol, but failed through inattention 
to the state of the tide and of the river, as they could 
not land on account of the heaps of ice accumulated 
on the Jersey bank. The second division, under 
General Irving, was to pass at Trenton ferry, but 
was unable to make its way through the ice. The 
third and main division, under the command of 



BATTLE OF TRENTON. 195 

General Washington in person, assisted by Generals 
Sullivan and Greene, and Colonel Knox of the 
artillery, accomplished the passage, with great dif- 
ficulty, at M'Konkey's ferry, about nine miles above 
Trenton. The general had expected to have his 
troops on the Jersey side about midnight, and to 
reach Trenton about five in the morning. But the 
difficulties arising from the accumulation of ice in the 
river were so great, that it was three o'clock in the 
morning before the troops got across, and nearly four 
before they began to move forwards. They were 
formed into two divisions, one of which proceeded 
towards Trenton by the lower or river road, and the 
other by the upper or Pennington road. 

Colonel Rhalle had received some intimation that 
an attack on his post was meditated, and probably 
would be made on the evening of the 25th. Captain 
Washington, afterwards much distinguished as an 
officer of cavalry, had for some days been on a 
scouting party in the Jerseys with about fifty foot 
soldiers ; and, ignorant of the meditated attack on 
the evening of the 25th, had approached Trenton, 
exchanged a few shots with the advanced senti- 
nels, and then retreated. The Hessians concluded 
that this was the threatened attack, and became 
quite secure. Captain Washington, in his retreat, 
met the general advancing against Trenton by 
the upper road, and joined him. Although some 
apprehensions were entertained that the alarm excited 
by Captain Washington's appearance might have put 
the Hessians on their guard ; yet, as there was now no 
room either for hesitation or delay, the Americans 



196 REVOLUTIONARY WAi. 

steadily continued their march. The night was severe : 
it sleeted, snowed, and was intensely cold, and the 
road slippery. But General Washington advanced 
firmly, and at eight o'olock in the morning reached 
the Hessian advanced posts, which he instantly drove 
in ; and, so equal had been the progress of the columns, 
that in three minutes afterwards the firing on the 
river road announced the arrival of the other division. 

Colonel Rhalle, who was a courageous officer, soon 
had his men under arms, and prepared for a brave de- 
fence ; but, early in the engagement, he received a 
mortal wound, and his men being severely galled by 
the American artillery, about one thousand of them 
threw down their arms and surrendered themselves 
prisoners of war; but a considerable body of them, 
chiefly light horse, retreated towards Bordentown and 
made their escape. 

In this attack not many Hessians were killed, and 
the Americans lost only four or five men, some of 
whom were frozen to death by the intense cold of 
the night. Some of General Washington's officers 
wished him to follow up his success, and he was much 
inclined to pursue that course ; but a council of war 
was averse from the measure, and he did not think it 
advisable to act contrary to the prevailing opinion. 
On the evening of the 26th he repassed the Dela- 
ware, carrying his prisoners along with him, and their 
arms, colours, and artillery. 

This enterprise, although it failed in several of its 
parts, was completely successful in so far as it was 
under the immediate direction of the commander-in- 
chief, and it had a happy effect on the affairs of 



BATTLE OF TRENTON. 



197 



America. It was the first wave of the returning tide. 
It filled the British with astonishment; and the 
Hessians, whose name had before inspired the people 
with fear, ceased to be terrible. The prisoners were 
paraded through the streets of Philadelphia to prove 
the reality of the victory, which the friends of the 
British government had denied. The hopes of the 
Americans were revived, and their spirits elevated ; 
they had a clear proof that their enemies were not 
invincible, and that union, courage, and perseverance, 
would insure success. 




17 




Battle Ground at Trenton. 



BATTLE OF PRINCETON. 



LTHOUGH General Cad- 
walader had not been 
able to pass the Delaware 
at the appointed time, yet, 
believing that General 
Washington was still on 
the Jersey side, on the 
27th he crossed the river 
«=5KP<s**w*«ns^' w ith fifteen hundred men, 

about two miles above Bristol ; and even after he was 
informed that General Washington had again passed 
into Pennsylvania, he proceeded to Burlington, and 
next day marched on Bordentown, the enemy hastily 
retiring as he advanced. 

The spirit of resistance and insurrection was again 
fully awakened in Pennsylvania, and considerable 




BATTLE OF PRINCETON. 199 

numbers of the militia repaired to the standard of the 
commander-in-chief, who again crossed the Delaware 
and marched to Trenton, where, at the beginning of 
January, he found himself at the head of five thousand 
men. 

The alarm was now spread throughout the British 
army. A strong detachment, under General Grant, 
marched to Princeton ; and Earl Cornwallis, who was 
on the point of sailing for England, was ordered to 
leave New York, and resume his command in the 
Jerseys. 

On joining General Grant, Lord Cornwallis imme- 
diately marched against Trenton. On his approach, 
General Washington crossed a rivulet named the 
Asumpinck, and took post on some high ground, with 
the rivulet in his front. On the advance of the 
British army on the afternoon of the 2d of January, 
1777, a smart cannonade ensued, and continued till 
night, Lord Cornwallis intending to renew the attack 
next morning; but soon after midnight General 
Washington silently decamped, leaving his fires burn- 
ing, his sentinels advanced, and small parties to guard 
the fords of the rivulet, and, by a circuitous route 
through Allentown, proceeded towards Princeton. 

It was the most inclement season of the year, but 
the weather favoured his movement. For two days 
before it had been warm, soft, and foggy, and great 
apprehensions were entertained lest, by the depth of 
the roads, it should be found impossible to transport 
the baggage and artillery with the requisite celerity ; 
but about the time the troops began to move, one of 
those sudden changes of weather which are not unfre- 



200 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

quent in America happened. The wind shifted to the 
northwest, while the council of war which was to 
decide on their ulterior operations was sitting. An 
intense frost set in ; and instead of being obliged to 
struggle through a miry road, the army marched as 
on solid pavement. The American soldiers considered 
the change of weather as an interposition of Heaven 
in their behalf, and proceeded on their way with alac- 
rity. 

Earl Cornwallis, in his rapid march towards Tren- 
ton, had left three regiments, under Lieutenant-Colonel 
Mawhood, at Princeton, with orders to advance on 
the 3d of the month to Maidenhead, a village about 
half way between Princeton and Trenton. General 
Washington approached Princeton towards day- 
break, and shortly before that time Colonel Maw- 
hood's detachment had begun to advance towards 
Maidenhead, by a road at a little distance from that 
on which the Americans were marching. The two 
armies unexpectedly met, and a smart engagement 
instantly ensued. At first the Americans were 
thrown into some confusion ; but General Wash- 
ington, by great personal exertions, restored order, 
and renewed the battle. Colonel Mawhood, with a 
part of his force, broke through the American army, 
and continued his route to Maidenhead ; the re- 
mainder of his detachment, being unable to advance, 
retreated by different roads to Brunswick. 

In this encounter a considerable number of men 
fell on each side. The Americans lost General 
Mercer, whose death was much lamented by his 
countrymen. Captain Leslie, son of the Earl of 



BATTLE OF PRINCETON. 201 

Leven, was among the slain on the side of the 
British ; and he was buried with military honours by 
the Americans, in testimony of respect not to himself 
merely, but to his family also. 

Early in the morning Earl Cornwallis discovered 
that General Washington had decamped ; and soon 
afterwards the report of the artillery in the engagement 
with Colonel Mawhood near Princeton, convinced him 
of the direction which the American army had taken. 
Alarmed for the safety of the British stores at Bruns- 
wick, he advanced rapidly towards Princeton. In the 
American army it had indeed been proposed to make 
a forced march to Brunswick, where all the baggage 
of the British army was deposited ; but the complete 
exhaustion of the men, who had been without rest, and 
almost without food for two days and nights, prevent- 
ed the adoption of the measure. General Washington 
proceeded towards Morristown, and Lord Cornwallis 
pressed on his rear ; but the Americans, on crossing 
Millstone river, broke down the bridge at Kingston, 
to impede the progress of their enemies ; and there 
the pursuit ended. Both armies were completely worn 
out, the one being as unable to pursue as the other 
was to retreat. General Washington took up a posi- 
tion at Morristown, and Lord Cornwallis reached 
Brunswick, where no small alarm had been excited by 
the advance of the Americans, and where every exer- 
tion had been made for the removal of the baggage, 
and for defending the place. 

General Washington fixed his head-quarters at 
Morristown, situated among hills of difficult access, 
where he had a fine country in his rear, from which 



202 



REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 



he could easily draw supplies, and was able to retreat 
across the Delaware, if needful. Giving his troops 
little repose, he over-ran both East and West Jersey, 
spread his army over the Raritan, and penetrated into' 
the county of Essex, where he made himself master 
of the coast opposite Staten Island. With a greatly 
inferior army, by judicious movements, he wrested 
from the British almost all their conquests in the 
Jerseys. Brunswick and Amboy were the only posts 
which remained in their hands, and even in these they 
were not a little harassed and straitened. The 
American detachments were in a state of unwearied 
activity, frequently surprising and cutting off the 
British advanced guards, keeping them in perpetual 
alarm, and melting down their numbers by a desultory 
and indecisive warfare. 




Washington's Headquarters at Morristown. 




Capture of General Prescott. 



CAPTURE OF GENERAL PRESCOTT. 



HIS capital exploit of Colonel 
Barton took place on the 10th 
of July, 1777. The British 
general, Prescott, was com- 
mander of Rhode Island, and 
had his head-quarters on the 
west side of the island, near 
Narraganset Bay, about a quarter of a mile from the 
shore, and at some distance from any body of troops. 
He was but slightly guarded, trusting chiefly for 
security to the numerous cruisers, and to a guard-ship, 
which lay in a bay opposite his quarters. 

Colonel Barton, at the head of forty men, officers 




204 



REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 



and volunteers, passed by night from Warwick Neck 
to Rhode Island ; and although they had a passage 
of ten miles by water, yet, by keeping near the land, 
they eluded the vigilance of the British ships-of-war 
and guard-boats which surrounded the island. They 
conducted their enterprise with such silence and 
address, that, about midnight, they reached the 
general's quarters undiscovered, secured the sentinel, 
surprised the general in bed, and, without giving him 
time to put on his clothes, hurried him on board, with 
one of his aides-de-camp, and conveyed him safely to 
Providence. This event was very mortifying to 
General Prescott, and to the royal army; but occa- 
sioned much exultation among the Americans. 
Hitherto General Howe had absolutely refused to 
release General Lee, but he soon agreed to exchange 
him for General Prescott; and General Lee again 
joined the American army. 





La Fayette leaving France. 



BATTLE OF BKANDYWINE. 



H E commander - in - 
chief, General Wash- 
ington, distinctly un- 
derstood the nature 
of the contest in which 
he was engaged ; and, 
sensible of the inferi- 
ority of his raw and 
disorderly army to the 
veteran troops under 
Sir William Howe, he 
wished to avoid a general engagement ; but, aware of 
the effect which the fall of Philadelphia would produce 
on the minds of the people, he determined to 

make every effort in order to retard the progress and 

18 




206 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

defeat the aim of the royal army. Accordingly, 
he marched to meet General Howe, who from want 
of horses, many of which had perished in the voyage, 
and from other causes, was unable to proceed from the 
head of Elk before the 3d of September, 1777. On 
the advance of the royal army, General Washington 
retreated across the Brandywine, a stream which falls 
into a branch of the Delaware at Wilmington. He took 
post, with his main body, opposite Chad's Ford, where it 
was expected the British would attempt the passage ; 
and ordered General Sullivan, with a detachment, to 
watch the fords above. He sent General Maxwell, 
with about one thousand light troops, to occupy the 
high ground on the other side of the Brandywine, to 
skirmish with the British, and retard them in their 
progress. 

On the morning of the 11th of September, the 
British army advanced in two columns; the right, 
under General Knyphausen, marched straight to Chad's 
Ford ; the left, under Lord Cornwallis, accompanied by 
the commander-in-chief and Generals Grey, Grant, 
and Agnew, proceeded by a circuitous route towards 
the Forks, where the two branches of the Brandywine 
unite, with a view to turn the right of the Americans 
and gain their rear. General Knyphausen's van soon 
found itself opposed to the light troops under General 
Maxwell. A smart conflict ensued. General Knyp- 
hausen reinforced his advanced guard, and drove the 
Americans across the rivulet, to shelter themselves 
under their batteries on the north bank, and a cannon- 
ade was carried on with the American batteries on 
the heights beyond the ford. 



BATTLE OF BRANDYWINE. 207 

Meanwhile the left wing of the British crossed the 
fords above the Forks. Of this movement General 
Washington had early notice; but the information 
which he received from different quarters, through 
his raw and unpractised scouts, was confused and 
contradictory, and consequently his operations were 
embarrassed. After passing the fords, Lord Corn- 
wallis took the road to Dilworth, which led him on the 
American right. General Sullivan, who had been 
appointed to guard that quarter, occupied the heights 
above Birmingham church, his left extending to 
the Brandywine, his artillery judiciously placed, and 
his right flank covered by woods. About four in 
the afternoon Lord Cornwallis formed the line of 
battle and began the attack: for some time the 
Americans sustained it with intrepidity, but at length 
gave way. When General Washington heard the 
firing in that direction, he ordered General Greene 
with a brigade to support General Sullivan. Gen- 
eral Greene marched four miles in forty-two minutes, 
but, on reaching the scene of action, he found General 
Sullivan's division defeated and fleeing in confusion. 
He covered the retreat ; and, after some time, finding 
an advantageous position, he renewed the battle, and 
arrested the progress of the pursuing enemy. 

General Knyphausen, as soon as he heard the 
firing of Lord Cornwallis's division, forced the pas- 
sage of Chad's Ford, attacked the troops opposed to 
him, and compelled them to make a precipitate 
retreat. General Washington, with the part of his 
army which he was able to keep together, retired, 



208 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

with his artillery and baggage, to Chester, where he 
halted, within eight miles of the British army, till next 
morning, when he retreated to Philadelphia. Night, 
and the exhaustion of the British troops, saved the 
discomfited Americans from pursuit. 

In Philadelphia the American commander-in-chief 
remained two days, collecting his scattered troops, 
replacing the stores lost in the battle, and making 
arrangements for his future movements. On the 
third day after the engagement he marched up the 
north side of the Schuylkill, crossed it at Swede's 
Ford, and proceeded towards Lancaster. 

In the battle of the Brandywine the Americans 
suffered considerable loss, having about three hundred 
men killed, six hundred wounded, and four hundred 
taken prisoners. They also lost ten small field-pieces 
and a howitzer. The loss of the British was much 
less, not exceeding five or six hundred killed and 
wounded. In the battle several foreign officers of 
distinction served in the American army: among 
these was the celebrated Marquis de la Fayette ; he 
was only about twenty years of age, and, animated 
by a youthful and enthusiastic love of liberty, had 
quitted his country, a plentiful fortune, and all the 
endearments of polished society, to fight under the 
banners of the infant republic at the most gloomy 
period of the contest. At his own expense he pur- 
chased and fitted out a vessel to convey him to the 
American continent, and sailed, notwithstanding a 
prohibition of the French government, which did not 
then deem it expedient to throw off the mask. This 



BATTLE OF BRANDYWINE. 



209 



battle was his first military service in the American 
cause, and in it he received a wound in the leg, but 
did not leave the field. Some other French officers 
were in the battle on the same side, and also Count 
Pulaski, a Polish nobleman. 




Costume of British Naval Officer, 1777. 



18 ; 




General La Fayette. 



BATTLE OF GERMANTOWN. 




N the evening after the 
battle of Brandywine, 
General Howe sent a 
party to Wilmington, 
who seized in bed Mr. 
M'Kinlay, governor of 
the state of Delaware, 
and took a shallop lying 
in the rivulet loaded 
with the rich effects of 



BATTLE OF GERMANTOWN. 211 

some of the inhabitants, together with the public 
records of the county, and other valuable and im- 
portant property. 

General Wayne, with a detachment of fifteen 
hundred men, had taken post in the woods on the left 
of the British army, with the intention of harassing 
it on its march. On the evening of the 20th of 
September, General Grey was despatched to surprise 
him, and successfully executed the enterprise ; killing 
or wounding, chiefly with the bayonet, about three 
hundred men, taking nearly one hundred prisoners, 
and making himself master of all their baggage. 
General Grey had only one captain and three privates 
killed, and four wounded. 

On the evening of the 18th, Congress left Phila- 
delphia for the second time, and proceeded first 
to Lancaster, and afterwards to York. On the 
afternoon of the 22d, and early on the 23d of 
September, Sir William Howe, contrary to the ex- 
pectation of the American commander-in-chief, crossed 
the Schuylkill at Fatland and Gordon's Ford. The 
main body of his army encamped at Germantown, a 
long village, seven miles from Philadelphia ; and, on 
the 26th, with a detachment of his troops, he took 
peaceable possession of the city, where he was cor- 
dially received by the Quakers and other royalists. 
During these movements, both armies were much 
incommoded by cold and heavy rains. 

On receiving information of the success of the royal 
army under his brother at Brandywine, Admiral Lord 
Howe left the Chesapeake and steered for the Dela- 
ware, where he arrived on the 8th of October. As 



212 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

soon as General Howe had gained possession of Phil- 
adelphia, he began to clear the course of the river, 
in order to open a free communication with the fleet. 

The Americans had laboured assiduously to obstruct 
the navigation of the Delaware ; and, for that pur- 
pose, had sunk three rows of chevaux-de-frise, formed 
of large beams of timber bolted together, with strong 
projecting iron spikes, across the channel, a little below 
the place where the Schuylkill falls into the Dela- 
ware. The upper and lower rows were commanded 
by fortifications on the banks and islands of the river, 
and by floating batteries. 

While the detachments employed in assisting to 
clear the course of the river weakened the royal army 
at Germantown, General Washington, who lay en- 
camped at Skippach Creek, on the north side of the 
Schuylkill, about seventeen miles from Germantown, 
meditated an attack upon it. Germantown consisted 
of one street about two miles long ; the line of the 
British encampment bisected the village almost at 
right angles, and had its left covered by the Schuylkill. 
General Washington having been reinforced by fif- 
teen hundred troops from Peekskill, and one thousand 
Virginian militia, marched from Skippach Creek on 
the evening of the 3d of October, and at dawn of 
day next morning attacked the royal army. After a 
smart conflict he drove in the advanced guard, which 
was stationed at the head of the village, and, with his 
army divided into five columns, prosecuted the attack ; 
but Lieutenant-Colonel Musgrave of the 40th regi- 
ment, which had been driven in, and who had been 
able to keep five companies of the regiment together, 



BATTLE OF GERMANTOWN. 215 

threw himself into a large stone house in the village, 
which stood in front of the main column of the Ameri- 
cans, and there almost a half of General Washington's 
army was detained for a considerable time. Instead 
of masking the house with a sufficient force, and 
advancing rapidly with their main body, the Ameri- 
cans attacked the house, which was obstinately 
defended. This saved the British army ; for the 
critical moment was lost in fruitless attempts on 
the house; the royal troops had time to get under 
arms, and be in readiness to resist or attack as cir- 
cumstances required. General Grey came to the 
assistance of Colonel Musgrave ; the engagement for 
some time was general and warm ; at length the Ameri- 
cans began to give way, and effected a retreat with 
all their artillery. The morning was very foggy, a 
circumstance which had prevented the Americans from 
combining and conducting their operations as they 
otherwise might have done, but which now favoured 
their retreat by concealing their movements. 

In this engagement the British had six hundred 
men killed or wounded ; among the slain were Briga- 
dier-General Agnew and Colonel Bird, officers of 
distinguished reputation. The Americans lost an 
equal number in killed and wounded, besides four hun- 
dred who were taken prisoners. General Nash, of 
North Carolina, was among those who were killed. 
After the battle, General Washington returned to his 
encampment at Skippach Creek. 




Battle of Red-Bank. 



BATTLE OF RED-BANK. 



THE British army had been 
successful in repulsing the 
Americans, yet their situa- 
tion was not comfortable; 
nor could they easily main- 
tain themselves in Pennsyl- 
vania unless the navigation of the Delaware were 
opened, and a free communication established between 
the fleet and army. The upper line of chevaux-de- 
frise was protected by a work named Fort Mifflin, 
erected on a marshy island in the Delaware, called 




BATTLE OF RED-BANK. 217 

Mud Island, formed by an accumulation of sand and 
vegetable mould near the Pennsylvania bank of the 
river, and by a redoubt called Red-Bank, on the Jersey 
side. At a small distance below Mud Island, and 
nearly in a line with it, are two others, named Pro- 
vince and Hog's Islands ; between these and the Penn- 
sylvania bank of the river was a narrow channel, of 
sufficient depth to admit ships of moderate draught of 
water. The reduction of Forts Mifflin and Red-Bank, 
and the opening of the Delaware, were of essential 
importance to the British army in the occupation of 
Philadelphia. In order, therefore, that he might be able 
more conveniently to assist in those operations, General 
Howe, on the 19th of October, withdrew his army from 
Germantown and encamped in the vicinity of Phila- 
delphia. 

He despatched Colonel Count Donop, a German 
officer, with three battalions of Hessian grenadiers, 
the regiment of Mirbach, and some light infantry, to 
reduce Red-Bank. This detachment crossed the 
Delaware at Philadelphia on the evening of the 21st 
of October, and next afternoon reached the place of 
its destination. Count Donop summoned the fort to 
surrender; but Colonel Christopher Greene, of Rhode 
Island, who commanded in the redoubt, answered that 
he would defend his post to the last extremity. Count 
Donop immediately led his troops to the assault, ad- 
vancing under a close fire from the fort, and from the 
American vessels-of-war and floating batteries on the 
river ; he forced an extensive and unfinished outwork, 
but could make no impression on the redoubt. The 
count was mortally wounded ; the second in command 
19 



218 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

also was disabled ; and, after a desperate conflict and 
severe loss, the assailants were compelled to retreat 
under a fire similar to that which had met them in 
their advance. Colonel Donop was made prisoner, 
and soon died of his wounds. 

The disaster did not terminate here. That part of 
the fleet which co-operated in the attack was equally 
unfortunate. The Augusta, Roebuck, Liverpool, Pearl, 
and Merlin, vessels -of- war, had passed through an 
opening in the lower line of chevaux-de-frise ; and on 
the commencement of Count Donop's attack, moved 
up the river with the flowing tide. But the artificial 
obstructions had altered the course of the channel, 
and raised sand-banks where none existed before. 
Hence the Augusta and Merlin grounded a little below 
the second row of chevaux-de-frise. At the return 
of the tide every exertion was made to get them off, 
but in vain. In the morning the Americans, perceiv- 
ing their condition, began to fire upon them, and sent 
fireships against them. The Augusta caught fire; 
and, the flames spreading rapidly, it was with the ut- 
most difficulty that the crew were got out of her. 
The second lieutenant, chaplain, gunner, and some 
seamen perished in the flames ; but the greator part 
of the crew was saved. The Merlin was abandoned 
and destroyed. 




Encampment at Valley Forge. 



ATTACK ON FORT MIFFLIN-RETIREMENT OF 
THE ARMY TO VALLEY, FORGE. 



OTWITHSTANDING these mis- 
fortunes, the operations requisite 
for reducing the forts on the river 
were carried on with great ac- 
tivity. Batteries were erected 
on the Pennsylvania bank oppo- 
site Mud Island ; but from the 
difficulty of constructing works 
on marshy ground, and of transporting heavy artillery 
through swamps, much time was consumed before 
they could be got ready to act with effect. The 
British also took possession of Province Island ; and, 
although it was almost wholly overflowed, erected 
works upon it. 




220 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

On the 15th of November, everything was ready 
for a grand attack on Fort Mifflin. The Vigilant 
armed ship and a hulk, both mounted with heavy 
cannon, passed up the strait between Hog and Pro- 
vince islands and the Pennsylvania bank, in order to 
take their station opposite the weakest part of the 
fort. The Isis, Somerset, Roebuck, and several 
frigates, sailed up the main channel, as far as the 
second line of chevaux-de-frise would permit them, 
and placed themselves in front of the work. 

The little garrison of Fort Mifflin, not exceeding 
three hundred men, had greatly exerted themselves in 
opposing and retarding the operations of the British 
fleet and army against them ; and in this desperate 
crisis their courage did not forsake them. A terrible 
cannonade against Fort Mifflin was begun and carried 
on by the British batteries and shipping; and was 
answered by the fort, by the American galleys and 
floating batteries on the river, and by their works on 
the Jersey bank. In the course of the day the fort 
was in a great measure demolished, and many of the 
guns dismounted. The garrison, finding their post 
no longer tenable, retired, by means of their shipping, 
during the night. Two days afterwards, the post 
at Red-Bank was evacuated also. Lord Cornwallis 
marched against it ; but the garrison retreated before 
his arrival. 

The American shipping in the river, being now 
left unprotected, retired up the stream : part of it, by 
keeping close to the Jersey side, passed the batteries 
at Philadelphia during the night, and escaped; the 
rest was set on fire, and abandoned. Even the part 



WHITE MARSH. 223 

of it, however, which escaped at this time, was after- 
wards destroyed. Thus the navigation of the Dela- 
ware was opened, and a free communication established 
between the fleet and army ; but the defence of the 
river was so obstinate, that a considerable part of the 
campaign was spent in clearing it. 

General Washington having received a reinforce- 
ment from the northern army, after the termination 
of the campaign in that quarter, left his strong camp 
at Skippach Creek, and, advancing nearer the British, 
occupied an advantageous position at White Marsh, 
fourteen miles from Philadelphia. He had a valley 
and rivulet in front, and his right was protected by 
an abattis, or fence of trees cut down, with their top 
branches pointed and turned outwards. 

Sir William Howe thinking that General Wash- 
ington, encouraged by his reinforcements, would 
hazard a battle for the recovery of the capital of 
Pennsylvania, or that a successful attack might be 
made on his position, marched from Philadelphia on 
the evening of the 4th of December, and next morning 
took post on Chestnut Hill, in front of the right wing 
of the American army. During the two succeeding 
days, General Howe made several movements in front 
of Washington's encampment and some skirmishing 
ensued. But General Washington remained within 
his lines ; and Sir William Howe, deeming it unad- 
visable to attack him there, and seeing no probability 
of being able to provoke him to engage on more 
equal terms, returned with his army, on the 8th of 
December, to Philadelphia. At that time the two 
armies were nearly equal in point of numerical force, 



224 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

each consisting of upwards of fourteen thousand men. 
Soon afterwards General Washington quitted White 
Marsh, crossed the Schuylkill, and took post at 
Valley Forge, where he spent the winter, about 
twenty-six miles from Philadelphia. 

The sufferings of the army at Valley Forge were 
dreadful beyond description. Quartered in wretched 
tents, without clothing suitable for the inclement 
season, and without shoes, these heroic men bore all 
with a patience and courage which never ceased to 
command the eulogies of their countrymen. The 
example and exhortations of Washington were in- 
cessantly exerted to keep up their spirits ; and the 
greatness of the cause for which they were suffering, 
made them endure all without a murmur. In fact, 
the army was almost defenceless in the neighbourhood 
of a powerful enemy ; but Providence destined them 
to rise from the clutches of the oppressor, and still 
achieve triumphs for the cause of liberty. 





General Stark. 




Battle of Bennington. 



BATTLE OF BENNINGTON. 




HE advance of General Bur- 
goyne's army from Canada 
towards New York, which 
took place in the summer of 
1777, threw the whole coun- 
try into the most vivid 
alarm. When he had cap- 
tured Fort Ticonderoga, and 



228 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

advanced as far as Fort Edward, he received a sudden 
check in an attempt to supply his army with provi- 
sions. 

It was well known that the American army receiv- 
ed live cattle from New England, which were collected 
at Bennington, twenty-four miles east from the 
Hudson, where a large deposit of carriages, corn, 
flour, and other necessaries, had been made. For 
this purpose he moved down the east side of the Hud- 
son, and encamped nearly opposite Saratoga, which 
place the American army left on the 15th of August, 
and retreated to the confluence of the Mohawk and 
Hudson rivers. He sent his van across the river by 
a bridge of boats ; and at the same time despatched 
Colonel Baum, a German officer, with five hundred 
men, partly cavalry, two pieces of artillery, and one 
hundred Indians, to surprise Bennington. 

General Stark, with the New Hampshire militia, 
four hundred strong, happened to be in that vicinity, 
on his way to join General Schuyler. He heard 
first of the approach of the Indians, and soon after- 
wards was informed that they were supported by a 
regular force. He collected his brigade, sent ex- 
presses to the neighbouring militia to join him, and 
also to Colonel Warner's regiment at Manchester. 
On the morning of the 14th of August, he marched 
against the enemy at the head of seven hundred men ; 
and sent Colonel Gregg, with two hundred men, to 
skirmish in their front and retard their progress. He 
drew up his men in order of battle ; but, on coming in 
sight of him, Baum halted on advantageous ground ; 
sent an express to General Burgoyne informing him 



BATTLE OF BENNINGTON. 229 

of his situation ; and fortified himself as well as cir- 
cumstances would permit. 

Some small skirmishing parties of the Americans 
killed several Germans, and two Indian chiefs, without 
sustaining any loss; and this slight success not a 
little elated them. In a council of war, it was resolved 
to attack Baum next day ; but next day it rained 
incessantly, and the attack could not be made, although 
there was some skirmishing. 

On the morning of the 16th, Stark, having received 
some reinforcements, sent detachments by the right 
and left of the enemy, with orders to unite in their 
rear, and begin the attack in that quarter. But before 
they met, the Indians retreated between the columns, 
and, receiving a fire as they passed, sustained some 
loss. The detachments, according to orders, began 
the attack on the rear of the enemy, and were assisted 
by Stark, who instantly advanced to the charge in 
front. Baum made a brave defence ; the battle lasted 
two hours, during which he was furiously assailed on 
every side by an incessant discharge of musketry. He 
was mortally wounded ; his troops were overpowered ; a 
few of them escaped into the woods and fled, pursued 
by the Americans; the rest were killed or taken 
prisoners. Thus, without artillery, with old rusty fire- 
locks, and with scarcely a bayonet, these American 
militia entirely defeated five hundred British veterans, 
well armed, provided with two pieces of artillery, and 
defended by breastworks. 

After the victory the greater part of the militia dis- 
persed in quest of booty, and their avidity for spoil 
nearly proved fatal to them ; for, on receiving Baum's 
20 



230 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

express, General Burgoyne ordered Colonel Brehman, 
who had before been sent forward to Batten Hill for 
the purpose, to march to the assistance of his country- 
men with the Brunswick grenadiers, light infantry, and 
chasseurs, amounting to five hundred men. Colonel 
Brehman set out at eight in the morning of the 15th; 
but the roads were rendered almost impassable by 
incessant rains ; and, although he marched with the 
utmost diligence, yet it was four the next afternoon 
before he reached the vicinity of the place where his 
countrymen had been defeated. The first notice 
which he received of Baum's disaster was from the 
fugitives whom he met. He easily repulsed the few 
militia who were in pursuit of them ; and, from the 
scattered state of Stark's troops, had the prospect of 
being able to make himself master of the stores, which 
were the great object of the expedition. But, at that 
critical moment, Colonel Warner's regiment of conti- 
nentals arrived, and instantly engaged Brehman. 
The firing reassembled the scattered militia, who 
joined in the battle as they came up. Colonel Breh- 
man maintained the conflict till dark; when, aban- 
doning his artillery and baggage, he retreated, and, 
escaping under cover of night, with the shattered 
remnant of his detachment, regained the camp. 

In these engagements the Americans took four 
brass field-pieces, about one thousand muskets (a 
most seasonable supply to the ill-armed militia), nine 
hundred swords, and four baggage-wagons. Ex- 

' Do O O 

elusive of Canadians and other loyalists, the loss of 
the royal army could not be less than seven hundred 
men in killed, wounded, and prisoners, although 



BATTLE OF BENNINGTON. 231 

General Burgoyne stated it at only about four 
hundred. The Americans admitted the loss of about 
one hundred in killed and wounded ; but this was 
certainly under the truth. 

This was the first check which General Bur- 
goyne's army had met with, and it was a severe one, 
and had a fatal influence on the campaign. The loss 
of a few hundred men was nothing compared with 
the effects which it produced upon the minds of the 
people : it greatly elated them, and gave the militia, 
who had been much dispirited by the late defeats, 
confidence in themselves, and encouraged them to 
hasten to the army in great numbers, in order to con- 
summate the work which they had begun. Before 
the events in the vicinity of Bennington, dejection 
and alarm pervaded the northern provinces ; but 
those events dispelled the gloom, infused spirit and 
vigour into the militia, and gave a new aspect to 
affairs on the Hudson. 





Murder of Miss M'Crea. 



MURDER OF MISS M'CREA. 




HIS thrilling event has been 
variously related by various au- 
thorities. The following ac- 
count, from Dr. Thacher's Mili- 
tary Journal, has the advantage 
of coming from an intelligent 
person who was near the scene 
of action at the time. 



MURDER OF MISS M'CREA. 233 

General Gates has issued a proclamation to 
counteract any influence which Burgoyne's sangui- 
nary manifesto might have produced, interdicting all 
communication with the royal army, and endeavour- 
ing to calm the fears of the inhabitants, by promising 
them all the protection in his power. Burgoyne's 
manifesto, however, denouncing fire and sword, in- 
stead of alarming into submission, excites universal 
indignation and contempt ; instead of conciliating, 
and increasing the number of his friends, serves only 
to exasperate and augment our means of resistance 
and opposition to his views. It was not long, indeed, 
before some innocent persons were made victims of 
savage barbarity, by means of the tomahawk and 
scalping-knife, in the hands of the barbarians under 
his command. Among the first of these victims was 
Miss Jenny M'Crea, who was murdered in a manner 
extremely shocking to the feelings of humanity. The 
father of Miss M'Crea was friendly towards the 
royalists, and the young lady was engaged to marry 
a refugee officer in Burgoyne's army, by the name of 
Jones, and awaited his arrival in order to have the 
marriage consummated. When our army retreated 
from Fort Edward, Miss M'Crea had the indiscretion 
to remain behind, probably with the expectation of 
meeting her lover. The Indians, however, soon made 
her their prisoner ; and on their return towards Bur- 
goyne's camp, a quarrel arose to decide who should 
hold possession of the fair prize. During the con- 
troversy, one of the monsters struck his tomahawk 
into her skull, and immediately stripped off her scalp. 

General Gates complains to General Burgoyne of 

20* 



234 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

this and other outrages in the following words : — 
" A young lady, Miss M'Crea, lovely to the sight, of 
virtuous character and amiable disposition, engaged 
to be married to an officer in your army, was, with 
other women and children, taken out of a house near 
Fort Edward, carried into the woods, and there 
scalped and mangled in the most shocking manner. 
Two parents, with their six children, were all treated 
with the same inhumanity, while quietly residing in 
their own happy and peaceful dwellings. The 
miserable fate of Miss M'Crea was peculiarly aggra- 
vated by her being dressed to receive her promised 
husband — but met her murderer, employed by you. 
Upwards of one hundred men, women, and children, 
have perished by the hands of ruffians, to whom it is 
asserted you have paid the price of blood." This 
appears since to be rather an exaggerated charge. 
In General Burgoyne's reply, he says: — "The fact 
was no premeditated barbarity ; on the contrary, two 
chiefs who had brought Miss M'Crea off, for the 
purpose of security, not of violence to her person, 
disputed which should • be her guard, and in a fit of 
savage passion in the one from whose hands she was 
snatched, the unhappy woman became the victim." 
He expresses sorrow and regret for the tragic scenes, 
and further states that he obliged the Indians to give 
up the murderer into his hands, and he certainly 
should have suffered an ignominious death, had he 
not been convinced that a pardon on his terms would 
be more efficacious than an execution, to prevent 
further mischief. That he paid for scalps he denies ; 
but the Indians were to receive compensation for 



MURDER OF MISS M'CREA. 235 

prisoners. This cruel conduct of the royalists is 
contemplated with horror and detestation by all 
ranks of people, except their friends and adherents. 
It is impossible not to detest that cause and that 
army which accepts the aid of savage auxiliaries, and 
encourages them in inhuman slaughter and bloodshed. 
This measure was certainly countenanced and recom- 
mended by the king and his ministers, and General 
Burgoyne acknowledges that he allowed the Indians 
to take the scalps of the dead. It must be painful 
for the impartial historian to record, and it will require 
the strongest faith of the reader in future ages to 
credit, the disgraceful story, that Britons, who pride 
themselves on their civility and humanity, employed 
the wild savages of the wilderness in a war against a 
people united to them by the ties of consanguinity ; 
that age, and the helpless invalid, women, and 
children at the breast, are all alike subjected to the 
merciless fury of barbarians; that British generals 
should be so regardless of the dignity of their station, 
and the voice of humanity, as to receive from the 
hands of these ferocious wretches the scalps torn 
from the skulls of innocent persons ! 





General Schuyler. 



BATTLE OF STILLWATER. 



ENERAL GATES, who sue- 
ceeded General Schuyler in the 
command of the army, having 
been reinforced by all the fresh 
continental troops destined for 
the northern department, and 
also by considerable bodies of 
militia, left the strong position which General 
Schuyler had taken at the confluence of the 
Mohawk and Hudson, eight miles above Albany, 
proceeded sixteen miles up the river towards the 




BATTLE OF STILLWATER. 239 

enemy, and formed a strong camp near Stillwater. 
The two armies were only about twelve miles distant 
from each other ; but the bridges between them were 
broken down, the roads were bad, and the country was 
covered with woods; consequently the progress of 
the British army, encumbered by its fine train of 
artillery and numerous wagons, was slow, and it was 
attended by some skirmishing. 

On the evening of the 17th of September, 1777, 
General Burgoyne encamped within four miles of the 
American army, and spent the next day in repairing 
the bridges between the two camps, which he accom- 
plished with some loss. About mid-day, on the 19th 
of September, he put himself at the head of the right 
wing of his army, and advanced through the woods 
towards the left of the American camp: General 
Frazer and Colonel Brehman, with the grenadiers and 
light infantry, covered his right flank ; and the Indians, 
loyalists, and Canadians proceeded in front. The left 
wing and artillery, commanded by Generals Philips 
and Reidesel, proceeded along the great road near the 
river. 

The nature of the ground prevented the contending 
armies from observing the movements of each other ; 
but General Gates, whose scouts were in constant 
activity, was soon informed of the advance of the 
British army. He detached Colonel Morgan, a bold 
and active partisan, with his riflemen, to observe 
the motions and impede the progress of the enemy. 
Morgan soon met the advanced parties in front of the 
British right wing, and drove them back. General 
Burgoyne supported them by a strong detachment; 



240 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

and, after a severe conflict, Morgan, in his turn, was 
compelled to give way. But General Gates rein- 
forced him, and the engagement became more general. 
The Americans attempted to turn the right flank of 
the British army, with the view of attacking it in the 
rear ; but being opposed by Frazer and Brehman, they 
made a rapid movement, and commenced a furious 
attack on the left of the British right wing. The 
combatants were reinforced ; and between three and 
four in the afternoon, General Arnold, with nine conti- 
nental regiments and Morgan's riflemen, was closely 
engaged with the whole right wing of the British 
army. Both parties fought with the most determined 
courage; and the battle ended only with the day. 
When it became dark, the Americans withdrew to 
their camp ; and the royal troops lay all night on their 
arms on the field of battle. On hearing the firing at 
the beginning of the engagement, General Philips with 
some artillery forced his way through the woods, and 
rendered essential service. 

In this battle, in which each party had nearly three 
thousand men actually engaged, the British lost 
upwards of five hundred in killed and wounded, and 
the Americans about four hundred men. Night 
separated the combatants: each side claimed the 
victory, and each believed that with a part only of its 
own force, it had beaten the whole of the hostile army. 
But although neither army was defeated, it was evident 
who had gained the advantage ; General Burgoyne had 
failed in the attempt to dislodge his enemy, and his pro- 
gress was arrested. His communication with the 
lakes was cut off, and his resources were daily failing ; 



BATTLE OF STILLWATER. 



241 



while the Americans had the same opportunities of 
gaining supplies as before, and their strength was still 
increasing by the arrival of fresh troops. In such 
circumstances, to fight without a decisive victory was 
to the British nearly equivalent to a defeat ; and to 
fight without being beaten was to the Americans pro- 
ductive of many of the consequences of victory. 

Accordingly, the news of the battle was received 
with joy and exultation throughout the United States, 
and the ruin of the invading army was confidently 
anticipated. The militia were encouraged to take 
the field, and assist in consummating the work 
so auspiciously begun. At that time the army under 
the command of General Gates did not much exceed 
seven thousand men ; but it was soon considerably 
increased. 




21 




i<*A>^ 



BATTLE OF £EMIS' HEIGHTS, AND RETREAT OF 
BURGOYNE. 



FTER the battle of Stillwater, 
the safety of the British army 
lay only in retreat. It was un- 
able to advance ; to fall back on 
the lakes and return to Canada, 
although difficult, was not then 
impossible. But every hour lessened the probability 
of victory, and rendered retreat more impracticable. 
General Burgoyne, however, could not at once 
dismiss all the splendid visions of conquest and glory 





V- 
General Gates. 



BATTLE OF BEMIS' HEIGHTS. 245 

which had so long dazzled his imagination ; and he 
flattered himself with the hope of a powerful co- 
operation on the side of New York, which had not. 
been concerted, and was not to happen. Under those 
delusions he lingered in his strong camp from the 
20th of September till the 7th of October. During 
that interval daily skirmishes happened, which ac- 
customed the raw troops of America to the face of 
an enemy. General Gates, sensible that delay was 
in his favour, meditated no immediate attack on the 
hostile camp, but diligently took measures to prevent 
the escape of the royal army from the toils in which 
it was entangled. 

General Burgoyne's difficulties were great, and 
daily increasing. His army was reduced to five 
thousand regular troops ; his provisions were almost 
exhausted, and his men put on short allowance ; his 
horses were perishing for want of forage ; he was so 
environed by his enemy that he could procure no 
fresh supplies, and he had received no recent intel- 
ligence from Sir Henry Clinton. He could not long 
remain in the position which he then occupied, and 
he was not ignorant of the difficulty and danger of 
a retreat. In these circumstances, he resolved to try 
the fortune of another battle ; as a victory would enable 
him either to advance, or to retreat with safety. 

Accordingly, on the 7th of October, he led out 
fifteen hundred men, well provided with artillery, and, 
accompanied by Generals Philips, Reidesel, and 
Frazer, marched against Gates, leaving his camp 
on the high grounds under the care of Generals 
Hamilton and Specht, and the redoubts and posts 

21* 



246 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

adjacent to the river under General Gell. General 
Burgoyne's detachment had scarcely formed within 
about half a mile of the American intrenchments, 
when its left, where the grenadiers were posted, was 
furiously assailed. The Germans, who were on the 
right of the grenadiers, were also soon engaged. 
Three regiments, under General Arnold, proceeded to 
attack the right of the British detachment in front, 
while another division endeavoured to turn its flank 
and gain its rear. In order to frustrate this intention, 
General Frazer, with the light infantry and part of 
the 24th regiment, was ordered to cover the right ; 
but, while he was making a movement for that 
purpose, the left was overpowered and gave way. 
To save it from destruction, Frazer hastened to its 
assistance; but met with an American corps of 
riflemen, which briskly attacked him, and he was 
mortally wounded in the conflict. The whole royal 
detachment now gave way; and, with the loss of 
most of its artillery, retreated to the camp. The 
Americans closely pursued, and, under a tremendous 
fire of grape-shot and musketry, fiercely assaulted the 
works throughout their whole extent. Arnold, who 
conducted the assault, urged on his men ; but was 
ultimately repulsed by the British under the immediate 
orders of General Burgoyne, after having had his 
horse shot under him, and being wounded in the same 
leg which had been injured at Quebec. The left of 
the American detachment, under Colonel Brooks, was 
more successful. It turned the right of the royal 
encampment, stormed the works of the German re- 
serve, under Colonel Brehman, who was killed, and 



BATTLE OF BEMIS' HEIGHTS. 247 

his troops retreated, with the loss of nil their artillery 
and camp equipage ; while Brooks maintained the 
ground which he had gained. 

Darkness, as on the 19th of September, put an 
end to the bloody conflict ; and the Americans lay all 
night on their arms, about half a mile from the lines, 
with the intention of renewing the assault in the 
morning. The advantage which they had gained was 
great. Without any considerable loss, they had killed 
many of the enemy, made upwards of two hundred 
prisoners, among whom were several officers of dis- 
tinction, taken nine pieces of brass artillery, all the 
baggage and camp equipage of a German brigade, 
obtained a large supply of ammunition, of which they 
stood much in need, and had entered the royal lines, 
and gained a position which threatened their rear. 
About midnight, General Lincoln with his division 
marched from the American camp to relieve the troops 
who had been engaged, and to occupy the ground 
which they had won. 

General Burgoyne's situation was now critical and 
distressing. Since he had come fairly into contact 
with his enemy he had met with an obstinacy of resist- 
ance and a vigour of attack wholly unexpected. In 
the late encounters, the Americans had shown them- 
selves a match for the best veteran troops, and capable 
of improving any advantage which they might obtain. 
Sensible, therefore, of the danger of encountering the 
events of next day on the ground which he then occu- 
pied, General Burgoyne resolved on a total change of 
position. Accordingly, in the course of the night, in a 
silent and orderly manner, and without any interrup- 



248 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

tion from the Americans, he moved his camp to the hills, 
extending his right up the river. The entire change 
of front extricated him from the immediate danger 
with which he was threatened; and induced the 
Americans to make new dispositions. 

On the 8th, General Burgoyne made some attempts 
to provoke General Gates to attack him in the strong 
position which he had taken : but those attempts were 
ineffectual ; for General Gates, fully aware of his own 
advantages and of the difficulties to which his adver- 
sary was reduced, declined an immediate attack ; but 
was active in taking every precaution to prevent the 
escape of the royal army. He posted fourteen hun- 
dred men on the heights opposite the ford of Saratoga, 
and sent strong detachments to guard the fords higher 
up the river. 

The 8th of October was spent in skirmishing and 
cannonading. About sunset, the body of General 
Frazer, who had been mortally wounded on the pre- 
ceding day, was, agreeably to his own desire, carried 
up the hill, to be interred in the great redoubt, at- 
tended only by the officers who had lived in his family. 
Generals Burgoyne, Philips, and Reidesel, in testi- 
mony of respect and affection for their late brave 
companion in arms, joined the mournful procession, 
which necessarily passed in view of both armies. 
The incessant cannonade, the steady attitude and 
unfaltering voice of the chaplain, and the firm de- 
meanour of the company during the funeral service, 
though occasionally covered with the earth torn up 
by the shot from the hostile batteries ploughing the 
ground around them, the mute expression of feeling 



BURGOYNE'S RETREAT. 251 

pictured on every countenance, and the increasing 
gloom of the evening, all contributed to give an 
affecting solemnity to the obsequies. General Gates 
afterwards declared, that if he had been apprised of 
what was going on, he would at least have silenced 
his batteries, and allowed the last offices of humanity 
to be performed without disturbance, or even have 
ordered minute-guns to be fired in honour of the 
deceased general. 

General Burgoyne being informed that an American 
column was advancing with the intention of gaining 
his right flank, resolved immediately to retreat to 
Saratoga, about ten miles up the river. He began 
his march about nine in the evening of the 8th, 
leaving behind him several boats loaded with pro- 
visions and baggage, and his hospital, containing 
about three hundred sick and wounded men, towards 
whom General Gates behaved with his usual hu- 
manity ; but the roads were so bad, and the heavy 
rain so incessant, that it was the evening of the next 
day before the British army, much fatigued, reached 
Saratoga; and it was not till the forenoon of the 10th 
that the rear passed the fords of Fishkill Creek, a 
little further north. On arriving at the ground which 
he intended to occupy, General Burgoyne found a 
party of the Americans already in possession of it; 
but on his approach they retreated, and joined their 
countrymen on the east of the river. 



CAPTURE OF FORTS CLINTON AND MONT- 
GOMERY. 




f*p HE attack on Forts Clinton 
and Montgomery, which 
had been delayed till the 
arrival of reinforcements 
from Europe, had been 
successfully made. The 
voyage of those reinforce- 
ments was tedious; but 
they arrived at New York 
in the end of September, 
and Sir Henry Clinton 
without delay embarked 
three thousand men in vessels of different descriptions, 
and, convoyed by some ships-of-war under Com- 
modore Hotham, sailed up the Hudson. 

Forts Clinton and Montgomery, against which the 
expedition was directed, were situated on high ground 
of difficult access, on the western bank of the river, 
about fifty miles above New York. They were sepa- 
rated by a rivulet, which, flowing from the hills, empties 
itself into the Hudson. Under cover of the guns, a 
boom was stretched across the river from bank to bank, 
and strengthened by an immense iron chain in front, as 
well as supported by chevaux-de-frise sunk behind it. 
Above this strong barrier, a frigate and galleys were 



V 







CAPTURE OF THE FORTS. 255 

moored, so as to be able to direct a heavy fire against 
any vessels that might attempt to force a passage. This 
seemed to present an insuperable obstacle in the way 
of the British shipping towards Albany. Fort Inde- 
pendence stood four or five miles below, on a high 
point of land, on the opposite side of the river. Fort 
Constitution was six miles above the boom, on an 
island near the eastern bank: Peekskill, the head- 
quarters of the officer who commanded on the Hudson, 
from Kingsbridge to Albany, was just below Fort In- 
dependence, on the same side. General Putnam then 
held that command, and had about two thousand men 
under him. 

On the 5th of October Sir Henry Clinton landed 
at Verplanck's Point, a little below Peekskill, on the 
same side of the river. General Putnam, appre- 
hending that the enemy intended to attack Fort 
Independence, and to march through the highlands 
on the east of the river towards Albany, retired to 
the heights in his rear ; and, entertaining no suspicion 
of the real point of attack, neglected to strengthen 
the garrisons of the fort on the western bank. 

The British fleet moved higher up the river, in 
order to conceal what was passing at the place where 
the troops had landed ; and, on the evening of the 
day on which he had arrived at Verplanck's Point, Sir 
Henry Clinton embarked upwards of two thousand 
of his men, leaving the rest to guard that post. 
Early next morning he landed at Stony Point, on the 
west side of the river, and immediately began his 
march over the mountains towards the forts. The 
roads were difficult, and the enterprise perilous ; for 



256 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

a small body of men, properly posted, might not only 
have arrested his progress, but repulsed him with 
much loss. He, however, reached the vicinity of 
the forts before he was discovered ; there he fell in 
with a patrole, who immediately retreated, and gave 
warning of the approaching danger. 

Between four and five on the afternoon of the 
6th of October, the British appeared before the forts, 
which they summoned to surrender ; and, on receiving 
a refusal, instantly advanced under a heavy fire to 
the assault. Both forts, garrisoned by about six 
hundred men, were attacked at the same time ; Fort 
Montgomery, by Colonel Campbell at the head of 
nine hundred men ; and Fort Clinton, the stronger of 
the two posts, by Sir Henry Clinton with twelve 
hundred men. Fort Montgomery was soon taken ; 
but Colonel Campbell fell in the attack. Most of the 
garrison, favoured by the darkness and by their 
knowledge of the passes, made their escape. At 
Fort Clinton the resistance was more obstinate ; but 
that fort also was stormed, and a considerable number 
of the garrison killed or made prisoners. 

General Putnam had no suspicion of the real point 
of attack till he heard the firing, when he despatched 
five hundred men to the assistance of the garrisons ; 
but the forts were taken before they arrived, and 
consequently they returned to camp. In storming 
the forts, the British had about one hundred and fifty 
men killed or wounded. Besides Colonel Campbell, 
Captain Stewart, Major Still, and Count Grabousky, 
a Polish nobleman who served as a volunteer in the 
royal army, were among the slain. The Americans 



CAPTURE OF THE FORTS. 257 

lost three hundred men in killed, wounded, and 
prisoners. 

The American vessels-of-war in the river, being 
unable to escape, were burnt by their crews, in order 
to prevent them from falling into the hands of the 
British, who removed the boom and chain, and 
opened the navigation of the river. Fort Inde- 
pendence was evacuated; and Fort Constitution, 
where the navigation was obstructed by a boom and 
chain, was also abandoned, without any attempt to 
defend it. The British proceeded up the river, 
destroying everything in their power. They ad- 
vanced to Esopus, which they laid in ashes; but 
proceeded no further. In this expedition they took 
or destroyed a large quantity of American stores. 

General Putnam retreated up the river, informed 
General Gates that he was unable to arrest the 
progress of the enemy, and advised him to prepare 
for the worst. But although his rear was threatened, 
General Gates was eager in improving the advantages 
he had gained over the British army, which was now 
reduced to the most distressing circumstances. 

22* r 




SURRENDER OF BURGOYNE. 



NDER the pressure of his 
misfortunes, General Bur- 
goyne, having been de- 
feated in his intention of 
repairing the road to Fort 
Edward, called a council 
of war, which adopted the 
desperate resolution of 
abandoning their baggage, artillery, and stores, and, 
with their arms only, and such provision as they could 
carry on their backs, marching in the night to Fort 
Edward, crossing the river at the ford there, or at one 
a little above it, and forcing their way to Fort George. 
The distance was only about thirty miles; but the 




SURRENDER OF BURGOYNE. 259 

scouts who had been sent out to examine the route, 
reported that the two fords were already guarded by 
strong detachments provided with artillery, so that 
the resolution which had been taken could not be 
executed. In these hopeless circumstances, General 
Burgoyne again summoned his council of war, and, by 
the unanimous advice of the members, opened a cor- 
respondence with General Gates, on the 13th of Octo- 
ber j and, on the 16th, terms of capitulation were 
agreed on, by which it was stipulated that the troops 
under General Burgoyne should next day march out 
of their camp, with the honours of war, and the artil- 
lery of the intrenchments, and pile their arms at the 
verge of the river; that a free passage should be 
granted them to Great Britain, on condition of not 
serving in North America during the war, unless 
exchanged ; and that they should embark at Boston. 
To these a number of articles of less importance were 
added, relating to the property of the officers, Canadi- 
ans, and loyalists, the march of the troops though New 
England, and other similar points. On the 17th, the 
British army piled their arms agreeably to the capitu- 
lation. 

When the British army left Ticonderoga it con- 
sisted of about ten thousand men, exclusive of Indians ; 
but, by the casualties of war, and by desertion, it was 
reduced to about six thousand at the time of the sur- 
render. It contained six members of parliament. 
General Gates had then under his command upwards 
of nine thousand continentals and four thousand militia. 
On this occasion the Americans gained a remarkably 
fine train of brass artillery, amounting to forty pieces 



260 



REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 



of different descriptions, and all the arms and baggage 
of the troops. Such was the fate of that army which 
had excited high expectations in Britain, and which, 
at first, spread alarm and dismay throughout the 
United States of America. 

In consequence of the capitulation at Saratoga, the 
British were unable to retain possession of the forts 
on the lakes. They therefore destroyed the works of 
Ticonderoga and its dependencies, threw the heavy 
artillery into the lake, and retreated to Isle aux Noix 
and St. John's. 





Hi mlttl mitllmmliM. 

Silas Deune. 



THE TREATY WITH FRANCE. 



O EVENT could be more grati- 
fying to the Americans than 
the treaty with France. On 
the 16th of December, 1777, 
the preliminaries of a treaty 
between France and America 
were agreed on ; and the 
treaty itself was signed at Paris, on the 5th of Febru- 
ary, 1778, — an event of which the British ministry got 
information in little more than forty-eight hours after 




262 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

the signatures were affixed. The principal articles 
of the treaty were, that if Britain, in consequence of 
the alliance, should commence hostilities against 
France, the two countries should mutually assist each 
other; that the independence of America should be 
effectually maintained ; that if any part of North 
America, still possessing allegiance to the crown of 
Britain, should be reduced by the colonies, it should 
belong to the United States ; that if France should 
conquer any of the British West India Islands, they 
should be deemed its property ; that the contracting 
parties should not lay down their arms till the inde- 
pendence of America was formally acknowledged, and 
that neither of them should conclude a peace without 
the consent of the other. 

Lord North's conciliatory bills reached America 
before the news of the French treaty, and excited in 
Congress considerable alarm. There were a number 
of loyalists in each of the colonies : many, though not 
unfriendly to the American cause, had never entered 
cordially into the quarrel ; and the heavy pressure of 
the war had begun to cool the zeal and exhaust the 
patience of some who had once been forward in their 
opposition to Britain. Congress became apprehensive 
lest a disposition should prevail to accept of the terms 
proposed by the British government, and the great 
body of the people be willing to resign the advantages 
of independence, in order to escape from present 
calamity. 

The American legislature referred the bills to a 
committee of their number, which, after an acute and 
severe examination, gave in a report, well calculated 



TREATY WITH FRANCE. 265 

to counteract the effects which it was apprehended the 
bills would produce on the minds of the timid and 
wavering. They reported as their opinion, that it 
was the aim of those bills to create divisions in the 
states; and " that they were the sequel of that insidious 
plan, which, from the days of the stamp act down to the 
present time, hath involved this country in contention 
and bloodshed ; and that, as in other cases, so in this, 
although circumstances may at times force them to 
recede from their unjustifiable claims, there can be no 
doubt but they will, as heretofore, upon the first favour- 
able occasion, again display that lust of domination 
which hath rent in twain the mighty empire of 
Britain." 

They further reported it as their opinion, that any 
men, or body of men, who should presume to make 
any separate or partial convention or agreement with 
commissioners under the crown of Great Britain, 
should be considered and treated as open and avowed 
enemies of the United States. The committee further 
gave it as their opinion, that the United States could 
not hold any conference with the British commission- 
ers, unless Britain first withdrew her fleets and armies, 
or in positive and express terms acknowledged the 
independence of the states. 

While these things were going on, Mr. Silas Deane 
arrived from Paris, with the important and gratifying 
information that treaties of alliance and commerce 
had been concluded between France and the United 
States. This intelligence diffused a lively joy through- 
out America ; and was received by the people as the- 
23 



266 



REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 



harbinger of their independence. The alliance had 
been long expected ; and the delays thrown in the way 
of its accomplishment had excited many uneasy appre- 
hensions. But these were now dissipated ; and, to the 
fond imaginations of the people, all the prospects of 
the United States were gilded with the cheering 
beams of prosperity. Like Penn's famous treaty 
with the Indians, that of the United States with the 
French government was destined to be faithfully 
observed. The misunderstanding which subsequently 
followed, was with the revolutionists who had over- 
thrown the ancient government. 





Death of Pulask 



ATTACK ON SAVANNAH AND DEATH OF PULASKI. 



O the American arms, 
the 9th of October, 1779, 
was a day of misery, dis- 
aster, and defeat. For 
five days, nine mortars 
and fifty-two cannon had 
poured their iron showers 
upon the English lines ; 
but now the allied ar- 
mies gathered their le- 
gions for a closer and 
more terrible struggle. Forty-five hundred men 




268 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

arranged themselves in two columns, and moved to 
the attack. On the left o( the enemy's line was the 

flower o( the troops, led on by D'Estaing and 
Lincoln: the other column was led by Count Dillon; 
while a third movement was made against the 
enemy's centre and left, to attract attention, and 
press any advantage which might be derived from 
the assault on the left. 

The morning was dark and lowering. A dense 
mist bung over the city and river, shrouding the 
opposing forces from sinlit : while the thick, damp 
air, clogged with the exhalations of night, depressed 
each spirit as it contemplated the work before it. 

Under this thick cloud the Americans advance^ 
to the attack. Onward through thick darkness they 
move, with nothing to disturb the harrowing silence 
but their muffled tread. Led on by D'Estaing and 
Lincoln, the first column presses forward, until the 
enemy's fortifications, magnified through the sur- 
rounding mist, are dimly seen in the distance. They 
have advanced undiscovered ; but at that moment a 
fierv sheet flashes through the gloom, a roar like 
thunder follows, and iron showers are crushing and 
tearing among their ranks. Then there was a pause 
— the words of command rung out, the broken lines 
united, and the column moved on. Nearer and 
nearer they draw, until the frowning batteries of the 
enemv are distinctly seen. The artillery reopens, and 
the long lines reel and stagger before it. Yet still 
the two commanders hurry from point to point, the 
stern column recloses. the soldiers press on. Then 
the British open all their guns — full in front of the 



ATTACK OX SAVANNAH. 861 

moving mass that dark fortification glares and 
thunders like a volcano, and troop and company 
wither before it. Yet over the uproar of battle the 
shouts of command rang along the line, and kept each 
man to duty. Fear had given way to callous in- 
difference — a stern resolution of vengeance. They 
sweep along under the iron hurricane, face the guns, 
and stretch forward to leap the parapet. In that 
terrible moment, while victory is oscillating in the 
balance, no one pauses to look for the other column — 
no one knows that it has been bewildered in the 
darkness, lost its path, and failed in co-operation. 
Those iron men leap the breastwork, plant their 
standards, and close with the foe. 

Xow began the fierce stru^rrle for conquest. The 
British were commanded at that point by the gallant 
Colonel Maitland, whose voice could drive the troops 
upon the hottest batten". Xow it rancr with thrilling 
energy along the battlements, and invited each soldier 
to his post. The cannon was hushed ; then a loud roll 
of musketry died away; then bayonet crossed with 
bayonet, and all was still. It was not the silence of 
repose or expectation — but of gloom and horror, and 
racking energy. 

At this moment the grenadiers and marines were 
brought up to charge the American flank. Full of 
ardour and resolution, these fresh troops poured upon 
our worried column, sweeping away all resistance, 
and hurling the former shouting victors into the 
ditches or through the abattis. Then they encountered 
the rear, and there was a period of wild and obstinate 
struggling. The commanders of France and America 
"23* 



270 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

still called their broken legions round them, and vied 
with each other in feats of daring. Undismayed by- 
heavy loss, the troops closed with the enemy, and 
fought with a heroism unsurpassed in the annals of 
our country. 

At this critical moment, two hundred horsemen 
came dashing through the works, crushing and 
blasting everything that opposed them. The British 
commander grew dark at the sight, for he knew that 
Pulaski was heading that resistless avalanche. There 
was a moment of fearful excitement — of outcry and 
confusion ; then those furious riders swept on against 
the British rear. Pulaski sprung upward in his stir- 
rups, his sword flashing through the smoke of battle, 
and his terrible voice ringing like a spirit's through the 
stirring uproar. The next moment he fell from his 
horse, his bosom torn and shattered. Then a cry of 
horror went up to heaven, the iron hoof ceased its 
tramplings, the charge was stayed. Loud shouts 
went up from the British line, fresh troops poured in 
overwhelming torrents on the exhausted Americans, 
till slowly and sadly they commenced their retreat. 
Then the artillery reopened, tearing and scattering 
their drooping regiments until the camp was gained. 
Seven hundred Frenchmen, and two hundred and 
fifty Americans, were left dead and wounded around 
the works of Savannah. 

The retreat of the Americans was conducted in 
good order. No attempt to convert it into a rout was 
made by the British general, who, having gained his 
object, wisely refrained from hazarding by this measure 
the safety of the town and garrison. Being protected 



ATTACK ON SAVANNAH. 



271 



by skilfully constructed works, his total loss was but 
about one hundred in killed and wounded. 

In this attack, everything was done by the assail- 
ants which brave men could do. The darkness of the 
morning produced the loss of punctual combination 
between the columns, which unfortunate occurrence 
probably led to the repulse. The daring effort of 
Pulaski to retrieve the day, with his much regretted 
fall, presents additional proof of the high spirit which 
actuated the besiegers, and demonstrates that every 
difficulty was encountered, every danger braved, to 
crown the enterprise with success. The real causes 
of defeat are to be found in the character of the opera- 
tions previous to the assault. 





Storming of Stony Point, 



STORMING OF STONY POINT. 



ERHAPS the most brilliant 
event of our revolutionary 
struggle was the storming 
of Stony Point ; and indeed 
it has few equals in the 
whole history of offensive 
warfare. It was a source 
of as great astonishment to 
the British as of exultation to the Americans, and 
raised the character of our troops in the estimation of 
all Europe. 

As the position of the enemy at Stony Point ena- 
bled them to do much mischief, General Wayne re- 
quested of Washington permission to form a corps 




STORMING OF STONY POINT. 273 

of light infantry, with which he should march against 
it. To this the commander agreed, and drew up for 
the intrepid general a plan of attack. 

Early on the evening of the 15th of July, Wayne 
arrived within a mile and a half of the fortress, and 
commenced a final reconnoissance. The steep hill 
that supported the fort, was washed on two sides by 
the Hudson, while on a third was a deep marsh. The 
only ascent was rugged and precipitous ; while high 
over all, as though defying the utmost efforts of the 
assailant, the fort commanded every advance, and was 
glittering with cannon and musketry. The evening 
was beautiful ; and as the cloudless heavens looked on 
that frowning height, and on the little band below, 
they formed strange contrast with the warring, jarring 
passions of man. 

The orders issued to the soldiers that night were 
in keeping with the stern and terrible nature of their 
duties. They were to march with empty muskets, 
utter no word, make no attempt at retreat under pain 
of death. And they were strictly obeyed — the as- 
sault was a triumph of military discipline. At half- 
past eleven, when all around was wrapped in slumber, 
the troops moved up in perfect silence. The army 
was divided into two columns, each preceded by 
twenty men acting as a forlorn hope. All command 
was given in a whisper; the tread of heavy columns 
was soft as falling snow ; and a stillness, more 
thrilling than the grave, brooded over their march. 
On arriving at the marsh, it was found flooded with 
water; but the officers waded through, followed by 
their troops. Then a sentry-gun broke amid the 



274 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

gloom, followed by another and another. Our troops 
had been discovered. In a moment there was a 
rushing of confused preparation, of alarm-guns, and 
shouts of command ; the next instant the rock was 
blazing and heaving with artillery. But each soldier 
remembered his orders ; there was no more whis- 
pering orders ; Wayne's dreadful voice came pealing 
through the lines, and each soldier sprang forward 
through the withering sleet with renewed energy. 
Still those raging batteries poured down their blasts, 
and a sheet of livid fire leaped along the ramparts 
from six hundred muskets ; but over rocks and preci- 
pices, and dead and dying, the wildly shouting hero 
leads his men. The advance reach the parapet, and 
employ their picks and axes to open a passage ; man 
after man falls, yet silently they continue their work. 
Now the troops have gained the last ascent — but a 
little before them is the object of their dreadful labour. 
But the struggle to win it is terrible. The balls bore 
through and through their column, piling the dead 
and dying on every rock and every eminence. 
Wayne falls ; but supporting himself on one knee, he 
exclaims, " March on ! carry me into the fort, for I 
will die at the head of my column." Snatching him in 
their arms, they bore him to the rampart, and leaped 
among the enemy. The artillery ceased, and British 
valour recoiled before the iron shower that swept the 
breastwork. On, on through the fort the stern Ameri- 
cans charged, until the columns from either side met 
in the centre. Then the work of death was over; 
the fort was gained ; Wayne had triumphed : and one 
wild, uproarious shout told this and much more, as it 



STORMING OF STONY POINT. 



275 



was repeated again and again among those towering 
cliffs. 

In this assault the Americans lost sixty-three killed, 

and about forty wounded. General Wayne's wound 
in the head, believed at first to be mortal, proved 
but slight. The garrison had twenty killed and 
seventy-four wounded, including six officers. Our 
troops captured five hundred and forty-three soldiers 
and officers, besides a considerable quantity of 
ordnance and military stores. 





General Sullivan. 



GENERAL SULLIVAN'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE 
MOHAWKS. 



]j? N sundry expeditions carried 
on against the Indians, du- 




ring the revolutionary war, 
ample vengeance had been 
taken on some of them ; but 
these partial successes pro- 
duced no lasting benefit. 
The few who escaped had it 
in their power to make thou- 
sands of our settlers miser- 



the permanent security of the frontier, 



SULLIVAN'S EXPEDITION. 279 

it was resolved, in the year 1779, to carry a decisive 
expedition into the Indian country. Accordingly, a 
considerable body of continental troops was selected 
for this purpose, and placed under the command of 
General Sullivan. 

Upon receiving intelligence of this movement, the 
Indians collected their forces, upon advantageous 
ground, and fortified themselves with strength and 
precision. In the latter part of August, Sullivan 
arrived in the neighbourhood of their fort, having 
marched several hundred miles through an utter 
wilderness, and experienced hardships both numerous 
and formidable. The enemy were now in sight, but 
intrenched behind extensive works, from which no- 
thing could drive them but a fierce exterminating battle. 
On the 29th, battle was given. It was an action re- 
plete with ferocity and bloodshed. One by one, friend 
and foe were picked off, by the unerring rifle, while a 
wail of sorrow pierced lamentably through the dread 
confusion. Dashing the dead from their stations, 
the Indians stood by their defences with loud shouts, 
and for two hours defied every effort of their assail- 
ants. Exasperated by mutual outrages, each party 
fought with a desperation worthy of victory. But at 
length the discipline of regular troops prevailed. The 
works were reached, the trenches forced, and the 
savages obliged to flee on all sides. 

The consternation occasioned by this defeat, was 
so great that the Indians abandoned all their settle- 
ments, and fled towards Canada. General Sullivan 
advanced through rows of the richest corn fields, bloom- 
ing orchards, and thriving villages. Over these the with- 



280 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

ering hand of retaliation was spread, and ruin and deso- 
lation blasted the labour of years. Towns and settle- 
ments were broken up, vegetation levelled with the 
ground, and all portable property captured. At night 
the glare of fire reflected from the sky, showed 
where the cottage was consuming ; while in the dis- 
tance the wretched red man was chafing in wild, but 
impotent fury, or casting one sad look on his ruined 
home. 

The quantity of corn destroyed was immense. Or- 
chards in which were several hundred fruit trees, were 
cut down — many of these had been planted for a 
number of years. The Indians were made to feel the 
calamities they had so often inflicted upon others ; and 
the sufferings they experienced, together with a fear of 
their repetition, should they recommence their depre- 
dations, rendered their invasions cautious and timid. 

Meanwhile (July 23d), a party of sixty Indians and 
twenty-seven whites, under the infamous Brandt, at- 
tacked the Minisink settlement, fired a fort, two mills, 
and a number of other dwellings, and carried off some 
prisoners and booty. About one hundred and fifty 
militia assembled and pursued them ; but acted with 
so little caution, that they were defeated by the 
Indians. 

Another defeat experienced by the Indians about 
this time, contributed, in no little degree, to prevent 
for a short time the numerous outbreaks which they 
had so long carried on. General Williamson and 
Colonel Pickens entered the Indian country adjacent 
to South Carolina, burned and destroyed the corn of 
eight towns, pursued the warriors from post to post, 



SULLIVAN'S EXPEDITION. 281 

and finally insisted upon their removing immediately 
from their habitations into the more remote settle- 
ments. 

In 1781, the Cherokee Indians commenced hostili- 
ties in the district of Ninety-Six, burning some houses, 
and murdering several families. General Pickens 
promptly collected a party of three hundred and 
ninety-four horsemen ; and, after a march of fourteen 
days, arrived in their country. To the savages his 
progress was terrible. Forty were killed, a large 
number taken prisoners, and thirteen of their towns 
and villages destroyed. In this expedition, the troops 
fought in a manner altogether unique — the horsemen 
rushing forward on horseback, and charging the In- 
dians with drawn swords. 

This was the most rapid and decisive of all the in- 
vasions of the Indian country during the war. Not 
an American was killed, and but two wounded. The 
vanquished Cherokees sued for peace in the most sub- 
missive manner, promising to deliver to the United 
States all royalists who should hereafter instigate 
them to hostilities. 

Some other disturbances happened with various 
tribes, previous to the close of the war. The suffering 
produced in some of these was fearful. Not only 
warriors, but women and children were indiscrimi- 
nately massacred, and whole settlements involved in 
flames. Each party was a scourge to the other ; and 
war was rendered doubly distressing, by the dispersion 
of families, the breaking up of settlements, and a 
savage devastation of those objects which conduce to 
the comfort of life. 
24* 



TARLETON'S QUARTERS. 




MMEDIATELY after 

the fall of Charleston 
(May 12th, 1780), 
Lieut. Colonel Bu- 
ford, commanding the 
remnant of the conti- 
nental force in the 
south, broke up his 
camp near Camden, and retired hastily toward North 
Carolina. At this time all who still adhered to the 
American cause were in alarm. The royalists over- 
ran the country ; British garrisons were stationed at 
every important post, and the lives and property of 
the patriots were in continual danger. 

At this time Cornwallis was near the Santee ; and 
having heard of Buford's precipitate retreat, de- 
termined to push a detachment after him. This 
command, consisting of one hundred and seventy 
cavalry, aided by one hundred mounted infantry, was 
intrusted to Lieutenant-Colonel Tarleton. This im- 
petuous officer entered upon his duty with alacrity; 
and fearing lest his prey should escape, hurried for- 
ward with the cavalry alone. One hundred and fifty 
miles were passed in fifty-four hours; while terror 
and flight ever preceded the approach of that fierce 
cavalry. On the 29th his jaded horses reached the 
friendly settlement of the Waxhaws, where Buford 



TARLETON'S QUARTERS. 285 

with his force was stationed. Tarleton immediately 
demanded a surrender, on the same terms which had 
been offered to the garrison at Charleston. During 
the negotiation, Tarleton made preparations for an 
attack; and the moment a refusal was sent to his 
request, he ordered his cavalry to charge. The 
Americans were totally unprepared for battle, and 
beheld the coming of the furious horsemen with the 
wildest terror. Beneath that headlong charge, led by 
Tarleton himself, the ground trembled, and the 
militia sent up a cry of terror that echoed dreadfully 
along the plain. Before the first rude shock, man 
and horse and rider were flung to earth, mashed, 
distorted, lifeless. On those iron men drove, grinding 
the shrieking wretches into the sand, and over- 
throwing everything in their course. The cry for 
quarter rose above the ringing conflict ; but it was 
met by jeers, and imprecations, and fiendish laughter. 
Youth and age, the suppliant wailing on his knees, 
and the soul too proud, too patriotic to bend, went 
down together. Throbbing hearts that but an hour 
ago were bounding with youth and buoyancy, now 
were crushed from their bosoms by the charger's iron 
heel. Still the trampling, the shouting, the ringing of 
sabres, and life's last piteous appeal went up, and 
satiated the ear of Death with savage butchery. 
Riding backward and forward over the mangled 
companies, Tarleton glutted his eyes on the terrible 
spectacle, and cheered on his men to their work. The 
prayer for mercy was music to his ears; and his 
haughty eye grew more bright, more intensely 
thrilling, as he saw the blood of the helpless oozing 



286 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

among the parched sands. Through and through the 
ranks were those horsemen driven, until their jaded 
steeds could no longer leap the piles of dead that 
obstructed their course. Gradually the battle shout 
was hushed, and low agonizing moans, with yells of 
insufferable anguish, grew more and more distinct. 
On that dreadful plain the taunts of the cruel Briton 
sharpened the horrors of the last mortal hour, and 
filled up the measure of that day's iniquity. 

Of four hundred American infantry engaged in this 
affair, but eighty or ninety escaped ; a few cavalry, 
under Colonel Bufofd, accompanied them. One 
hundred and thirteen were killed, one hundred and 
fifty so badly wounded as to be left on the ground, 
and fifty-three taken prisoners. Most of the wounded 
died upon the field. 

This tragic event filled the Americans with the 
utmost indignation, and afforded a precedent for many 
acts of retaliation which subsequently disgraced the 
proceedings of the Southern war. It was stigmatized 
by the appellation of Tarleton's Quarters, and caused 
the character of that officer to be held in universal 
abhorrence. 




i^S 




BATTLE OF CAMDEN AND DEATH OF DE KALB. 




HE defeat of Gates at Cam- 
den (August 16, 1780), was 
the most terrible of all the 
disasters experienced by 
our Southern army during 
the war of the Revolution. 
It annihilated the army, 
ruined the fame of its general, filled the country with 
alarm, and, but for the genius of Greene, would have 
won the Southern States to Great Britain. 

At dawn of day, the American artillery opened, 
and the left of the line, under General Stephens, was 
ordered to advance. Exhorting his soldiers to rely 
principally on the bayonet, this officer advanced with 
his accustomed intrepidity. Lieutenant-Colonel Otho 
Williams preceded him with a band of volunteers, in 
order to invite the fire of the enemy before they w r ere 
in reach of the militia, so that experience of its ineffi- 
ciency might encourage the latter to do their duty. 
Upon discovering this movement, the British general 
gave orders to Lieutenant-Colonel Webster to lead 
into battle with the right. That gallant officer entered 
upon his duties with his accustomed judgment and 
courage; and, in a few minutes, General Stephens had 
the mortification to observe his brigade flying before 
overpowering numbers. The North Carolina brigade 
followed the shameful example ; Stephens, Caswell, 
25 T 



290 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

Gates himself, struggled to stop the fugitives ; but 
every feeling was absorbed in a desire to preserve life. 
The only troops left to oppose the enemy, were the 
continentals, and Dixon's regiment of North Caroli- 
nians, of which every corps acted with the most de- 
termined resolution. 

Meanwhile, the Baron de Kalb, enveloped in the 
hottest of the battle, was struggling for victory on 
the right. A corps of the enemy who advanced 
against Lieutenant-Colonel Howard, were met and 
nobly driven out of line ; and for a moment victory 
inclined with the Americans. Then Lord Rawdon 
collected the strength of his wing and came down 
like an avalanche upon the brigade of General Gist. 
But, calling his little band around him, that officer 
pointed to the coming storm, and ordered each man 
to his post. For days and nights he had toiled with 
his brave Marylanders, in every hardship and every 
danger ; he had stood the hottest of the battle, and 
now, heedless of fatigue, he sternly awaited the living 
mass that was poured upon him. On they came — hun- 
dreds of muskets flashed before them, and their artillery 
tore and withered his ranks like a hurricane. Then came 
the fearful charge — and in a moment the disappointed 
foe were rolling back, repulsed, disheartened. High 
over the uproar, De Kalb's iron voice pealed along, 
and each soldier knew that victory or death was near. 
Again and again, Lord Rawdon rushed on the devoted 
brigade, while at each time a confused rush, a fearful 
silence, and then the hurryings of retreat, announced 
that patriotism was still triumphant. Chafing like a 
wounded lion, Rawdon dashed from point to point, 



BATTLE OF CAMDEN. 291 

driving his worried legion on the foe ; while, on the other 
side, the voice of Gist, buoyant with hope and victory, 
thrilled the bosom of every American. Dense and 
resistless, his band commenced their onward move- 
ment, and the terrified British shrank at their ap- 
proach. 

But the moment of triumph was short. The 
flight of the militia on the other wing having left 
Colonel Webster unemployed, he detached some light 
troops with Tarleton's cavalry in pursuit, and opposed 
himself to the reserve brought up by Smallwood to 
replace the fugitives. The languor of repulse was 
succeeded by the renewed shock and terrible wrestling 
for victory. All alone, opposed to overwhelming num- 
bers, the Mary landers threw themselves into a square, 
and received the hurried rush of the enemy's artillery. 
Rank sunk down upon rank, until but a remnant was 
left. These the baron rallied around him, and, 
ignorant of Gates's disaster, prepared for a final effort. 
That charge was not the slow deliberate advance, 
when whole columns sink down before they reach the 
foe. It was hurled on the British like a whirlwind, 
sweeping away all resistance. Part of the enemy 
broke in confusion, with the loss of many prisoners. 
It was a moment of high hopes, and bounding exulta- 
tion — and but a moment. So inferior was the force 
of the Americans, that while Smallwood covered the 
flank of the second brigade, his left became exposed ; 
and Lieutenant-Colonel Webster, ever on the alert to 
seize an advantage, turned against this devoted flank 
his light infantry and the 23d regiment. But though 
almost surrounded by superior numbers, the first 



292 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

brigade maintained the conflict until literally pushed 
from the ground. But the next moment they rallied, 
and advanced to the desperate struggle ; again they 
were driven back, and again rallied, rushing over bleed- 
ing masses, to the very bayonets of the enemy. 
Near them De Kalb, with his Maryland veterans, was 
fighting hand to hand with the disciplined hosts of 
Britain. 

At length Lord Cornwallis concentrated his forces, 
and ordered a decisive charge. Then there was a 
period of wild rushing, of confused uproar, and 
racking suspense. Even the tones of command died 
in the intensity of that terrible moment. Then the 
cloud of battle dispersed, and De Kalb had dis- 
appeared. Pierced with eleven wounds, he had fallen 
beneath the trampling armies. Long rows of bayo- 
nets sprang madly toward him ; but his aid, Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel du Buyssen, threw himself upon his 
friend, — and while crying out, " Spare the Baron de 
Kalb," received the keen weapon intended for his 
friend. 

Our troops were broken ; and after having 
wrestled all day against the flower of the enemy's 
army, were compelled to fly to the neighbouring 
woods and swamps. The pursuit was continued 
until not a fugitive could be seen ; the road was 
heaped with the dead and dying ; and arms, artillery, 
horses, and articles of baggage, were strewn in every 
direction. 

The baron was treated with every attention by 
the victors, but he survived the battle only a few days. 
His last moments were spent in dictating a letter 



DEATH OF DE KALB. 



293 



to General Smallwood, his successor in command, 
breathing in every word his sincere and ardent 
affection for officers and soldiers ; expressing his 
admiration of their late noble though unsuccessful 
stand; reciting the eulogy which their bravery had 
extorted from the enemy, and the lively delight which 
such testimony of their valour had excited in his own 
mind. Then, feeling the pressure of death, he ex- 
tended his quivering hand to his friend Du Buyssen, 
and breathed his last in benedictions on his faithful, 
brave division. 




25* 




ARNOLD'S TREASON. 




HE most disgraceful event 
of the revolutionary war, 
and one which, but for its 
timely discovery, would 
have been productive of 
the most direful conse- 
quences, was the treason 
of General Arnold. Brave 
as was this officer, and 
capable, through his influence among the soldiers, of 
sweeping the hosts of a superior army like a whirl- 



ARNOLD'S TREASON. 295 

wind, he yet possessed qualities of mind that tarnished 
most of his actions, and stamped him as a man dan- 
gerous alike to civil and military government. Proud, 
ambitious, unable to control his passions, he frequently 
became involved in difficulties from which he found it 
impossible to extricate himself. His extravagance 
and pomp of living were far beyond his means, and 
consequently he was often embarrassed in pecuniary 
concerns. These circumstances were aggravated by 
the neglect and ingratitude of Congress, who refused 
to bestow upon him that distinction which his great 
services merited, and which had been extended to 
officers inferior to him in even military accomplish- 
ment. The consequence was, deep rancour toward 
that body, a determination of revenge, and a discon- 
tent and heartlessness with the service. 

After the capture of Burgoyne, in which he acted a 
splendid part, he suddenly became inactive, and re- 
quested of Washington the command of West Point, 
a station of entire ease. This petition was urged in 
a manner so entirely in contrast with all his former 
conduct, as to excite astonishment in the commander, 
and even cause belief that Arnold was in jest. In 
order, therefore, to afford him an opportunity for mili- 
tary display, Washington gave him command of the 
left wing in the main army, during the excursion of 
Sir Henry Clinton up the Hudson. He continued, 
however, restless and dissatisfied, alleging inability for 
active duty on account of his wounded leg, and con- 
tinued his application for West Point. His request 
was then granted, and, in the summer of 1780, he took 
command of that important station. 



296 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

Previous to this, Sir Henry Clinton had received 
letters through his aid, Major Andre, from an un- 
known correspondent, conveying important informa- 
tion relative to the American forces. After much 
reflection, he became convinced that the writer was 
no other than General Arnold. This conviction was 
strengthened, when, upon the latter taking command 
at West Point, Sir Henry received a proposal to 
deliver up a valuable portion of the American army 
to Great Britain. The affair had now assumed a 
complexion of the utmost importance ; and though 
the British commander managed his part with the 
utmost secrecy, yet he contrived to assure himself 
beyond doubt that his correspondent was General 
Arnold. 

West Point was at that time the most important 
military station held by the Americans. Besides 
containing a large amount of valuable military stores, 
provisions and vessels, it was the proposed depot of 
the French and continental armies during their in- 
tended attack upon New York, and the key of com- 
munication between the Middle and Northern States. 
It also commanded the navigation of the Hudson. 
By a surrender of this place to the British arms, a 
fine garrison and stores would be lost, the attack 
upon Sir Henry frustrated, the combination between 
Washington and Rochambeau rendered ineffective, 
and all intercourse with the north made hazardous 
if not impossible. Accordingly, Clinton determined 
to use every effort in order to accomplish events of 
so much magnitude. 

At the suggestion of Arnold, Major Andr6 was 



ARNOLD'S TREASON. 297 

despatched across the Hudson for the purpose of 
having a personal interview with him, and arranging 
matters which could only be hinted at under the 
disguise of a mercantile correspondence. On the 
21st of September he was conveyed from the Vulture 
sloop-of-war to Arnold's presence, and the plot, 
together with the necessary plan of operations, was 
matured. The conspirators were unable to finish 
the conference before morning; and in the meantime 
the Vulture was obliged to change its position, in 
consequence of being fired on by the Americans. 
During the whole of the 22d, therefore, Andre re- 
mained on the American side, and at last was 
totally unable to obtain conveyance across the river. 
Arnold then furnished him with a passport and 
horse, in order to reach New York by land, con- 
cealing in his boots important papers intended for 
Sir Henry Clinton. Leaving behind him his military 
coat, and accompanied by one Smith, who had 
hitherto been the dupe of Arnold's proceedings, he 
rode to King's Ferry, crossed the river from Stony 
Point to Verplanck's Point, and pushed on toward the 
White Plains. After passing several parties, Smith 
left his companion, and the latter pursued his journey 
alone. Instead, however, of pursuing his original 
route across the White Plains, he moved off toward 
the Hudson river, and entered the Tarrytown road. 

The region in which Andre was now travelling, had 
lately become notorious on account of the frequent 
plunderings from parties on both sides, which left no 
security to either person or property. Several young 
men had been on the alert to arrest some of these 



298 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

marauders, dividing themselves into small parties, and 
remaining concealed among the woods or bushes. 
When near Tarrytown, Andre was stopped by three 
of these, and instead of immediately showing his pass ? 
he commenced a hurried conversation with them, which 
resulted in his capture. The particulars of this affair 
were given in their subsequent evidence during the 
trial of that unfortunate officer, of which the following 
are extracts. 

"Myself (John Paulding), Isaac Van Wert, and 
David Williams, were lying by the side of the road 
about half a mile above Tarrytown, and about fifteen 
miles above King's Bridge, on Saturday morning 
between nine and ten o'clock, the 23d of September. 
We had lain there about an hour and a half, as near as 
I can recollect, and saw several persons we were 
acquainted with, whom we let pass. Presently one 
of the young men who were with me said, ' There 
comes a gentlemanly-looking man, who appears to be 
well dressed, and has boots on, and whom you had 
better step out and stop, if you don't know him.' On 
that I got up, and presented my firelock at the breast 
of the person, and told him to stand. Then I asked 
him which way he was going. 'Gentlemen,' said he, 
'I hope you belong to our party.' I asked him what 
party ; and he replied, ' The lower.' I told him I did, 
and he said, 'I am a British officer out of the country 
on particular business, and I hope you will not detain 
me a minute.' To show he was a British officer, he 
pulled out his watch, when I told him to dismount. He 
then said, 'My God, I must do anything to get along,' 
and seemed to make a kind of laugh of it, and pulled 



ARNOLD'S TREASON. 



299 




Capture of And rfe. 



out General Arnold's pass, which was to John Ander- 
son, to pass all guards to White Plains, and below. 
Upon that he dismounted. Said he, ' Gentlemen, you 
had best let me go, or you will bring yourselves into 
trouble ; for your stopping me will detain the general's 
business. I am going to Dobb's Ferry, to meet a 
person there, and get intelligence for General Arnold.' 
Upon that I told him not to be offended, that we did 
not mean to take anything from him ; and I told him 
there were many bad people going along the road, and 
I did not know but perhaps he might be one." 

" We took him into the bushes," said David Wil- 
liams, in his evidence, "and ordered him to pull off his 
clothes, which he did ; but, on searching him narrowly, 
we could not find any sort of writings. We told him 



300 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

to pull off his boots, which he seemed to be indifferent 
about ; but we got one boot off, and searched in that 
boot, and could find nothing ; but we found that there 
were some papers in the bottom of his stocking, next 
to his foot, on which we made him pull his stocking 
off, and found three papers wrapped up. Mr. Paulding 
looked at the contents, and said he was a spy. We 
then made him pull off his other boot, and there we 
found three more papers at the bottom of his foot, 
within his stocking. 

"Upon this, we made him dress himself, and I 
asked him what he would give us to let him go. He 
said he would give us any sum of money. I asked 
him whether he would give us his horse, saddle, bridle, 
watch, and one hundred guineas. He said, 'Yes ;' and 
told us he would direct them to any place that we 
might pitch upon, so that we might get it. Mr. 
Paulding answered, ' No ! if you would give us ten 
thousand guineas, you shall not stir one step.' I then 
asked the person who had called himself John Ander- 
son, if he would not get away if it lay in his power, 
and he answered that he would. I told him that I did 
not intend he should. While taking him along, we 
asked him a few questions, and we stopped under a 
shade. He begged us not to ask him questions, and 
said when he would come to any commander he would 
reveal all." 

There can be little doubt that, had Andre showed 
his pass immediately on being arrested, he would have 
been permitted to continue his journey. His neglect 
to do so will appear the more excusable, when we re- 
member that he was now near Clinton's head-quarters, 



ARNOLD'S TREASON. 301 

and that he had been informed on the previous even- 
ing of a large party of British marauders being near 
Tarrytown ; and, in consequence of this very informa- 
tion, he had changed his route in the morning. 

Andre was conveyed by his captors to North 
Castle, where a party of dragoons was stationed under 
Lieutenant-Colonel Jameson. The six papers found 
about his person were also delivered to that officer. 
These were writings of the utmost importance, de- 
fining the force and positions of the garrison; a return 
of th'e different forts, batteries, &c. ; detached sketches 
of Washington's designs during the remainder of the 
campaign ; with other valuable information. 

Lieutenant-Colonel Jameson acted in a manner 
both foolish and reprehensible. The captured papers 
were in Arnold's hand-writing, with which he was 
well acquainted, and contained most indubitable 
marks of treachery; yet he determined to send his 
prisoner to Arnold, together with a letter, detailing the 
circumstances of his arrest. Washington observed 
subsequently that, in consequence either of his " egre- 
gious folly, or bewildered conception, he seemed lost 
in astonishment, and not to know what he was doing." 

Andre" was accordingly despatched towards West 
Point ; while the papers found about his person, were 
sent by express to General Washington. Immediately 
after the departure of the prisoner, Major Tallmadge, 
second in command, arrived at North Castle, from an 
excursion to White Plains ; and on being informed of 
what had transpired, expressed his utter astonishment at 
the conduct of his superior. The representations of 
the major had no other effect with Jameson, than the 
26 



302 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

obtaining of an order for Andre's return to North 
Castle ; yet the notice to Arnold was still permitted to 
proceed. 

Andre was brought back to Jameson's quarters 
before daylight of the following morning. It was de- 
termined to send him to Lower Salem, a place of 
greater security than North Castle, and the head-quar- 
ters of Colonel Sheldon. He was escorted by Major 
Tallmadge, and on arriving at the colonel's station, 
requested permission to write a letter to General 
Washington. In this he declared his real name and 
station, gave the reasons of his being within the Amer- 
ican lines, with the circumstances of his capture, and 
asked permission to write to Sir Henry Clinton. Not 
a word was said of Arnold, or that could in the least 
involve any one in the conspiracy. Before folding the 
letter, he presented it to Major Tallmadge, who perused 
it with the strongest emotion. The first sight of Andre 
had convinced him of his being a military man ; but he 
had not imagined him to be an officer of such high rank. 
His former suspicions of Arnold's fidelity were now 
strengthened, and the folly of Colonel Jameson rendered 
more inexplicable than ever. Jameson's want of 
sagacity was the the first cause of Arnold's escape ; 
but there were several others, and 'indeed, so fortu- 
nately did circumstances combine in his favour, as to 
appear little less than miraculous. On the 24th 
of September, General Washington arrived within 
eighteen miles of West Point, and after stopping to 
partake of some refreshment, rode forward until within 
three miles of Arnold's head-quarters. Here he unex- 
pectedly met with the French minister, Monsieur de la 



ARNOLD'S TREASON. 303 

Luzerne, who prevailed on him to return to his place 
of stoppage (Fishkill), for the purpose of laying 
before him matters of importance. This prevented 
him from reaching West Point that evening, as he had 
intended. 

On the following morning, Washington, accom- 
panied by La Fayette, and other officers, set out for 
Arnold's quarters; but on the road the commander 
seems to have changed his mind, and turned his horse 
toward the river. Thinking this to be a mistake, 
La Fayette said, " General, you are going in a wrong 
direction ; you know Mrs. Arnold is waiting breakfast 
for us, and that road will take us out of our way." 
Washington replied in a playful manner, stating that 
he wished to see the redoubts on the river, but gave 
the party permission to proceed to Arnold's station. 
This they declined, and accompanied the general, 
after sending two aids to apprise their host of the 
change of intention. 

Slight as was this incident, it probably saved 
Arnold. While his family and the two aids were at 
breakfast, Jameson's letter arrived, giving the stunning 
intelligence of Andre's capture. It was a moment of 
terrible feeling ; yet, so perfectly was Arnold master 
of himself, that while reading it he betrayed no 
unusual excitement. Informing the aids that a 
sudden and unexpected event required his presence at 
West Point, he rose hastily from the table, ordered a 
horse, and retired to Mrs. Arnold's apartment. He 
then sent for her, and revealed the plot, telling her 
they must part for ever, since his life depended on his 
escape to the enemy. She immediately fainted ; but, 



304 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

reckless of everything in the wild hurry for life, he 
left her senseless, rushed from the house, mounted his 
horse, and dashed toward the Hudson. Here he 
found a boat containing six men, whom he ordered to 
row as for life, telling them that he was bearing a 
flag of truce, and wished to get back in time to meet 
General Washington. By displaying a white hand- 
kerchief, Arnold escaped the suspicions of both 
British and Americans, and reached the Vulture in 
safety. He was mean and cruel enough to detain as 
prisoners the men to whom he owed his life; but 
on their arrival at New York, they were set at 
liberty by Sir Henry Clinton. 

Meanwhile, Washington arrived at Arnold's house ; 
and ascertaining that he had gone to West Point, 
he hurried breakfast, and, accompanied by all the 
officers except Hamilton, set out for the fort. As he 
drew near the shore with his barge, the officers ex- 
pected to hear Arnold's cannon by way of salute ; 
but all was silent. Their astonishment was increased 
when the commandant hurried to the shore, and 
began to apologize for not making any preparations 
to receive such distinguished visiters, as he had been 
totally ignorant of their approach. " How is this, 
sir ?" replied Washington ; " is not General Arnold 
here ?" " No, sir ; he has not been here these two 
days, nor have I heard from him within that time." 
Astonished at this unexpected intelligence, Wash- 
ington entered the fort, and though evidently waiting 
for Arnold, commenced a review of the works. After 
spending more than an hour in this manner, he re- 
entered the barge, and set out for Robinson's house. 



ARNOLD'S TREASON. 305 

On the way they were met by Hamilton, who took 
the commander aside, and spoke to him in a quick 
hurried tone. Those few hurried words were of fearful 
power, fraught with the news of Arnold's treason. 

The bearer of Jameson's despatches had missed 
Washington, in consequence of the latter changing 
his route. On reaching Robinson's house he handed 
them to Colonel Hamilton, with the remark that they 
contained intelligence of the utmost importance. 
That officer opened them, and, on discovering their 
contents, rode immediately to meet the commander. 

On perusing the papers, Washington ordered 
Hamilton to ride with all haste to Verplanck's Point, 
to arrest Arnold, if possible, before he could cross 
the river ; and then calling La Fayette and Knox, he 
calmly disclosed to them the conspiracy, merely re- 
marking — " Whom can we trust now ?" The same 
dignity and forbearance characterized him throughout 
the day. When dinner was announced, he took the 
head of the table, and said — "Come, gentlemen; 
since Mrs. Arnold is unwell, and the general is 
absent, let us sit down without ceremony." 

Meanwhile, the situation of Mrs. Arnold was truly 
deplorable. " For a considerable time," says Hamilton, 
" she entirely lost herself. The general (Washington) 
went to see her, and she upbraided him with being 
in a plot to murder her child. One moment she 
raved, and then she melted into tears. Sometimes 
she pressed her infant to her bosom, and lamented its 
fate, occasioned by the imprudence of its father, in a 
manner that would have pierced insensibility itself. 
All the sweetness of beauty, all the loveliness of. 
26* u 



306 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

innocence, all the tenderness of a wife, and all the 
fondness of a mother, showed themselves in her 
appearance and conduct. We have every reason to 
believe that she was entirely unacquainted with the 
plan, and that the first knowledge of it was when 
Arnold went to tell her he must banish himself from 
his country, and from her, for ever. She instantly fell 
into convulsions, and he left her in that situation." 

The arrest of Andre entirely frustrated the conspi- 
racy ; and though Arnold made good his escape, and 
everything was in readiness for an immediate attack 
upon West Point, yet far from attempting it, the 
British commander turned his whole attention to the 
safety of his friend. Hamilton received a letter from 
Arnold to Washington, boasting of his rectitude of in- 
tention, and requesting that Mrs. Arnold might be at- 
tended to. It was accompanied by another from 
one Beverly Robinson, on board the Vulture, request- 
ing the release of Andre. 

After writing to Greene to advance with the left 
wing of the army, and taking other precautionary 
measures, orders were sent to Colonel Jameson to 
despatch Andre to Robinson's house. He arrived there 
on the 26th of September, under the care of Major 
Tallmadge, having travelled all night through a heavy 
rain. He was subsequently removed to Tappan. 

On the 29th, Washington summoned a court of in- 
quiry, to investigate the subject of Andre's capture, 
and report their opinion concerning him. It was com- 
posed of six major-generals, eight brigadiers, and 
General Greene as president. All necessary docu- 
ments were laid before them, and every effort made 



ARNOLD'S TREASON. 307 

by the commander-in-chief to insure a correct and 
unbiassed verdict. 

After the names of the officers had been read to 
him, Andre was informed that it was optional with 
him to answer any question which might be asked, and 
that he might have his own time to reflect upon them. 
After having acknowledged .the identity of certain 
papers with those found about his person when 
captured, and also given the board a short account of 
the circumstances attending his landing from the 
Vulture, he was asked whether he considered himself 
as having acted under a flag. He replied that it was 
"impossible for him to suppose, that he came on 
shore under the sanction of a flag," adding, " that if he 
came on shore under that sanction, he might certainly 
have returned under it." His whole behaviour 
throughout the investigation was open, dignified, and 
manly ; he offered no excuse, not even a palliating 
remark for his conduct; and on being asked at the 
close if he had anything to remark, he replied in the 
negative. The hearing was long and tedious, and 
after a careful summary of all the facts presented to 
them, the board arrived at the conclusion " that Major 
Andre, adjutant-general to the British army, ought 
to be considered as a spy from the enemy, and that 
agreeably to the laws and usages of nations, it is 
their opinion he ought to suffer death." In this 
opinion Washington concurred, and appointed five 
o'clock, P. M., October 1st, as the time of execution. 

On that day, however, a last effort was made by 
Sir Henry Clinton to save his friend. He informed 
Washington that a committee of gentlemen would 



308 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

be sent from the army to confer with him, and 
present facts to prove the major's innocence. Only one 
of these deputies (General Robertson), was permitted 
to come on shore. He was met by General Greene on 
the part of Washington, every exertion Avas made to 
prove that Andre was not a spy, and to influence the 
feelings of the American commissioner in his behalf. 
A letter was presented from Arnold to General Wash- 
ington, and Robertson further offered to refer the 
decision of Andre's true position to General Knyp- 
hausen and Count Rochambeau. Greene listened 
with the deepest attention, promising to lay these 
views before General Washington ; and Robertson 
seems to have believed that he had effected his pur- 
pose, as he immediately wrote to Clinton that Andre 
would not be harmed. In the morning he was stunned 
by the intelligence from Greene, that after weighing 
the facts presented during the conversation, Washing- 
ton's opinion was still unchanged. 

All efforts to ameliorate Andre's fate having failed, 
he was executed on the 2d of October, 1780. In the 
morning he received the communication of his fate 
without emotion, and while all present were affected 
with gloom, his mind was composed, and his counte- 
nance firm. When his servant entered in tears, he 
exclaimed, " Leave me, till you can show yourself 
more manly." His breakfast being sent him from 
Washington's table, as had been done every day of 
his confinement, he partook of it as usual, and having 
shaved and dressed himself, he said to the guard offi- 
cers, " I am ready at any moment, gentlemen, to wait 
on you." He then walked from the house, arm in arm 



ARNOLD'S TREASON. 309 

with two subaltern officers. A large detachment 
of troops was paraded, amid an immense concourse 
of people. 

Nearly all the general and field-officers were present 
on horseback, except General Washington and staff. 
Gloom and melancholy pervaded all ranks, and the 
scene was deeply affecting. The major betrayed no 
want of fortitude, retaining a complacent countenance, 
and occasionally bowing to gentlemen whom he knew. 
The method of his death had been concealed from 
him until the last moment ; for although in a touching 
letter he had requested to be shot, yet Washington 
wished not to wound his feelings by informing him 
the request could not be granted. When in sight of 
the gallows, he involuntarily started; but recovered 
himself, with the remark — " I am reconciled to my 
death, but I detest the mode." While stepping into 
the wagon, he appeared to falter for a moment ; but 
suddenly rallying himself, he exclaimed, " It will be 
but a momentary pang ;" and taking from his pocket 
two white handkerchiefs, he tied one over his eyes, 
and permitted his hands to be pinioned with the 
other. The rope being appended to the gallows, he 
slipped the noose over his head, and adjusted it to 
his neck without the aid of the executioner. Colonel 
Scammel now informed him that he had an oppor- 
tunity to speak ; when, raising the bandage from his 
eyes, he said — " I pray you to bear me witness, that 
I meet my fate like a brave man !" — then, readjusting 
the handkerchief, the wagon was removed, and after 
a momentary pang the gallant and accomplished 
Andre was no more. 



310 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

At his death Major Andre was about twenty-nine 
years of age, well-proportioned, tall, and graceful, with 
a countenance indicative of amiability and intelligence. 
His talents were of a highly respectable order, and 
being cultivated in early life, he had become proficient 
in literary and other attainments. As an officer he was 
skilful, brave, and enterprising, and is reported to have 
been humane to the American prisoners in New York. 
The main spring of his actions, the sole object of his 
youthful aspirations, was military glory ; and he was 
advancing rapidly in the gratification of his ambitious 
views, when a misguided zeal blasted all prospects, and 
stained him as the victim of a traitor's guile. The 
heart of sensibility mourns when a life of so much 
worth is sacrificed on a gibbet ; yet was it in strict 
accordance with the laws of war, by which every spy 
is doomed to the gallows. 

The circumstances attending the entrance of 
Andre into the army, heightens the sympathy oc- 
casioned by his fate. In early life he had become 
enamoured of a young lady, who returned his affection, 
and agreed upon marriage. This, however, was frus- 
trated by the opposition of her father, and four years 
afterward she married with another gentleman. This 
was a terrible blow to Andre. He had ever kept her 
picture about his person, and hoped that time would 
at length unite them ; but now his happiness was 
blasted for ever, and he resolved to join the army. In 
1775 he was taken prisoner by Montgomery, at St. 
John's, and deprived of everything except the picture 
of his Honora, executed by his own hand, and which 
he concealed in his mouth. He met with various 



ARNOLD'S TREASON. 



311 



adventures, until exchanged, when he joined the family 
of Sir Henry Clinton, by whom he was greatly es- 
teemed. While awaiting execution, he requested of 
Sir Henry Clinton that his commission might be sold 
for the benefit of his mother and sisters. This was 
immediately done by his friend, who also petitioned 
the king in the most faithful manner, that something 
further might be granted to these bereaved relatives. 
The monarch granted a pension to his parent, and the 
order of knighthood to his mother. 

Arnold received the stipulated reward of his 
treachery, being appointed colonel of a regiment in the 
British service with the rank of brigadier-general, and 
receiving six thousand three hundred and fifty pounds 
sterling. 








Captain Biddle. 



THE LOSS OF THE RANDOLPH. 




HE name of Capt. Nicholas 
Biddle will ever stand con- 
spicuous on our military 
journals, not only as that 
of a man among the first 
of our patriotic seamen, 
but as distinguished alike 
for his brilliant successes, 



LOSS OF THE RANDOLPH. 315 

and his tragic end. During the early part of the 
Revolution, he performed the greatest service in cap- 
turing British merchantmen ; and for the rapidity and 
success with which he managed all such affairs, he 
had acquired a decided superiority among all our 
naval officers. 

In February, 1777, he sailed from Charleston with 
three hundred and five men, in the frigate Randolph, 
of thirty-six guns, and accompanied by the smaller 
vessels Polly, Fair American, General Moultrie, and 
Notre Dame. On the evening of the 7th of March, 
he was descried by the British ship Yarmouth, of 
seventy-four guns, commanded by Captain Vincent. 
At nine o'clock the latter came up with the Randolph,, 
and ordered her to hoist colors, or he would fire, 
Biddle ran up the American flag, and poured a broad- 
side into his enemy, which was immediately returned. 
The stirring scene of a naval action by night now 
commenced. Not knowing the strength of his ad- 
versary, Captain Biddle poured forth one broadside 
after another of heavy ordnance, which the British 
commander, confident of victory, answered. It was 
a sight wild and imposing. The thick, curtain-like 
darkness, would suddenly be broken by a quick sheet 
of flame, then a dazzling meteor flew from ship to 
ship, sparkling and whizzing in the air, and then 
crashing through masts, spars, and timber. The 
surges dashed and foamed under the stunning reports, 
and each vessel reeled heavily amid the pitchy night. 
Then one low, stifled wail would come riding through 
the interim of confusion, with a strange unearthly 



316 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

tone, that jarred discordantly with the uproar of 
battle. 

Soon after the commencement of the action, 
Captain Biddle was wounded in the leg. Instead of 
retiring, he called for a chair, and seating himself 
amid the havoc around, exhorted his men to their 
duty. Nobly did they fulfil it. Three broadsides 
were fired by the Randolph to one of the Yarmouth, 
and during the greater part of the action she appeared 
in an entire blaze. For a few minutes the captain 
and crew of the Fair American believed that the 
enemy were on fire, and bore down to salute their 
commander. 

This brilliant commencement was succeeded by a 
fearful end. The Randolph blew up with an explosion 
that shook the air for miles around, scattering deck, 
spars, and mangled limbs, far abroad among the 
waters. Of that gallant captain and his crew nothing 
more was ever seen. Four men clung to a piece of 
wreck, on which they floated for four days, subsisting 
on rain-water, which they sucked from a piece of 
blanket. These men were picked up by Captain 
Vincent, and treated by him with the greatest at- 
tention and kindness. 

The Yarmouth was so much injured in the action, 
as to be unable to pursue the small ships of the 
squadron, which accordingly made their escape. 

Captain Biddle was twenty-seven years old at the 
time of his death, and had given ample promise of 
one day becoming a bright ornament to his profession. 
Notwithstanding his disparity of force, he would pro- 



LOSS OF THE RANDOLPH 



317 



bably have escaped, but for the unfortunate explosion; 
for the British ship was in a shattered condition at the 
close of the action. But one of the other ships took 
an active part, and it was placed»in so unfavourable a 
position as to inflict as much injury upon the Ran- 
dolph, as upon her adversary. 





THE BRITISH PRISON-SHIPS. 




N many instances during their 
wars with the United States, 
the British have behaved with 
a degree of cruelty and ferocity, 
which must ever stamp their 
character with a heartlessness, 
suitable only for the savage. 
This was the case, in an especial manner, during the 
revolutionary contest, when they considered themselves 
warring against rebel mobs, entitled to no respect and 
no quarter. Even when the stormy battle had rolled 
by, and the passions had had time to subside, the ran- 
cour of established malice broke forth upon the unfor- 
tunate ones, whom the vicissitudes of war had placed 



BRITISH PRISON-SHIPS. 321 

in their hands. In all countries and armies, prisoners 
of war have a just claim on the duties of humanity. 
From the moment of their capture, the sword should 
be sheathed; hostilities should cease. Being them- 
selves disarmed, no arm can of right be lifted against 
them ; but while they conduct themselves in a manner 
becoming their condition, they are entitled to lenient 
treatment, and every necessary comfort. 

To obtain a correct idea of the situation of the 
prisoners in British ships, we must imagine them torn 
from home, from the felicity of health, comfort, and 
domestic enjoyment, in the very prime of life, and 
when the mind was buoyant with wild dreams of hope 
and ambition. They had gazed on the prospect of 
liberty, on the blessings it would bestow upon their 
trampled country, until the fervour of patriotism 
thrilled their bosoms ; and they rushed to the battle- 
field in order to wrestle and suffer for the glorious 
treasure. They were the men who had sternly faced 
death at Lexington and Concord, and drove back the 
emissaries of oppression before their withering fire. 
But the price of victory was to be paid. They were 
captured, one by one, party by party, some at Boston, 
some at their homes, and others by the quiet road- 
side. They were eagerly seized by the minions of Bri- 
tain, and hurried to General Howe, at New York. Here 
every sympathy turned from them. Friends who had 
smiled in happier hours now frowned with scornful ven- 
geance ; and a traitor's name, precursor of a traitor's 
fate, followed their weary journey. Without trial or 
hearing, they were packed in the holds of vessels, pri- 
sons of the vilest of the vile, of the felon and midnight 



322 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

assassin. The atmosphere of these awful abodes, 
thick and dark with stagnation, and blazing with the 
fires of dissolution, insinuated itself among the delicate 
textures of vitality, and at the first inspiration blasted 
health and spirits. Here, amid utter darkness, com- 
pany after company of those brave young spirits, the 
unfortunate defenders of their country's liberty, were 
crowded, and the doors closed. Then arose a scene 
at which humanity shudders. Accustomed to active 
movements in the open air, some sank at once amid 
heaps of putrefaction, and expired. Others crowded 
and crushed toward the air-holes, withering their last 
energies in fruitless efforts. Some sat down and wept ; 
while in another place a convict would smile in demo- 
niac despair at the vain exertions which he himself 
had so often tested. In a few hours disease and fever 
commenced their work, and the sufferings were terrible 
beyond description. Here and there were wretches 
moaning for water, while shrieks, imprecations, and 
the howlings of agony, mingled in one frightful uproar. 
Amid the dead and dying, a hw bowed down their 
heads and wept for home ; and then that same deep 
meaning word of home came wildly out amid the 
ravings of the maniac. Hearts that had nerved up 
against all suffering until that word was pronounced, 
now were crushed and broken. Gradually they sank 
down, the dying and the dead together. In the last 
wild struggle with death, the groaning spirit prayed 
and agonized for one gasp of air, one ray of light. 
The wretch tossed and foamed amid putrid bodies, 
while suffocation stifled his utterance, and the fevered 
blood tore and rattled along his shattered lungs. Afar 



BRITISH PRISON-SHIPS. 323 

from this scene the cheering heavens were making to 
the giddy world the changes of night and day ; but no 
night, no day visited the American sufferers. Lor 
seventy-five hours many lay in those charnel-houses 
amid every variety of misery, without having one drop 
of water or a particle of bread. In a few weeks fifteen 
hundred died. Their bodies were dragged from the 
ships, and placed in piles, each about large enough to 
fill a cart. One pile after another was dragged away, 
thrown into ditches, and covered with mud and offal. 
Over that grave no sister was present to weep, nor 
clergyman to dedicate the soul to heaven. Youth and 
manliness, and early pride, and the high throbbings 
of manhood's early dream, were there buried in dis- 
grace, and buried for ever, because they had been 
devoted to freedom. 

For want of opportunity, some of the prisoners 
were not treated quite so rigorously. There being a 
scarcity of prison-ships, these were placed in ruined 
churches, dilapidated dwellings, and open sugar- 
houses ; where, in consequence of the deficiency of 
roofing, it was impossible to deprive them of fresh 
air. Still, without fire, and almost without clothing, 
they were exposed to piercing cold, heavy rains, 
hunger and thirst. These bodily sufferings were 
augmented by the insult and tantalization of British 
officers, who pronounced them the just punishment 
of rebellion. These honourable assurances were 
seconded by the tories, whose common language was: 
" You have not yet received all you deserve, nor half 
you shall receive ; but if you will enlist in his 
majesty's service, you shall have victuals and clothing 



324 



REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 



enough." In one instance, four wounded American 
officers of respectable rank were placed in a common 
cart, and paraded through the streets as objects of 
derision, amid the jeers of the beholders. 

Such were the sufferings of the American captives 
in the commencement of the struggle for independence. 
Menaced by hostile armies, and threatened with the 
halter, they rose to maintain their rights. Citizens 
as they were, they commenced their preparation for a 
campaign on the battle-field; and, after rolling back the 
enemy, prepared to follow up their victory. When 
captured, they were offered life and affluence to forsake 
their cause ; but scornfully refused, and marched to 
prison and slavery with proud independence. The 
sequel has been told. Now no monumental epitaph 
marks their graves, nor have even their names been 
handed to us. Yet with them were buried the hopes 
and happiness of families, the long-cherished ex- 
pectations of parents and relatives ; and their fearful 
sufferings have stamped their oppressors with ever- 
lasting infamy. 





Commodore Jones. 



CAPTURE OF THE SERAPIS. 



jjjJI^N the 17th of September, 
1778, Commodore Paul 
Jones, with the two ves- 
sels, Bon Homme Richard, 
and Pallas, came in sight 
of a fleet of merchantmen, 
escorted by the Serapis, 
and Countess of Scarbo- 
rough. At seven in the evening, after a tedious 

28 




326 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

chase, Jones, in the Bon Homme Richard, was hailed 
by the commander of the Serapis, when within pistol- 
shot, and immediately answered by a whole broadside. 
He then ran his ship across the enemy's bow, seized 
the bowsprit with his own hands, and lashed both 
vessels together. Sails, yards, rigging, all became 
eventually entangled, and the opposing cannon touched 
each others' muzzles. In that fearful position was 
fought one of the most terrible battles on naval 
record. 

The batteries of each vessel now opened. Red- 
hot iron flew through and through the hulls, tearing 
everything in their maddening course. The water 
broke and dashed around them, and then rolled off 
in glittering waves, until lost'in the surrounding dark- 
ness. But, like the hurried shock of two thunder- 
clouds, those ships clung to each other, pouring sheets 
of widening flame along their sides, and strewing each 
deck with mangled victims. One by one the Ameri- 
can batteries became useless, until but three cannon 
were fit for service. Every gun of the British was in 
full blast. But the iron heart of the bold sailor could 
not yield. Pacing on deck, from point to point, he 
shouted his men to their duty. Showers of death 
were shrieking around him, and spar after spar went 
down in crashing ruin. Yet still, over all that uproar, 
and over the groans of agony, and thunder of battle, 
his voice pealed like a spectre's, and sternly bound 
his men to duty. The waves were rushing in at 
every seam, until the pumps were useless, and then 
one appalling cry of^re, told that long resistance was 
impossible. Jones gazed around. On every side 



■HurflHIMiii 




CAPTURE OF THE SERAPIS. 329 

smothered flames were struggling to break forth. 
Yet on, on, like a fretted tiger, he spurned along that 
shattered deck, his arms folded, his face like rigid 
iron, and his stern shout ringing fearfully through the 
darkness. Once only did he pause. Three under 
officers, overcome by the awful scene, had called to 
the British commander, who now demanded if Jones 
had struck. " No," was the response ; and the conflict 
reopened. 

During all this time, the soft rays of the full moon 
were sleeping on the rippling water, mellowing every- 
thing beneath their silvery shroud. Hundreds and 
thousands of spectators gazed in breathless and struck 
wonder, at the uproar on the waters; men of ordinary 
mould grew pale and nervous, at the spirit-like wres- 
tlings of giant souls. 

At half past nine o'clock, another ship hove in sight. 
It was the Alliance, a vessel lately deserted from Jones's 
squadron. Joy was diffused over the gallant crew — 
but it was of short duration. A broadside came rush- 
ing over the waters, splitting and rending the stern ofj 
Jones's vessel. He called to them for God's sake to 
forbear; but the false one swept like lightning through 
the waters, hurling shot after shot at the devoted ship, 
killing and wounding the men, and opening leaks in 
every direction. Cries vf fear and despair rose from 
the little crew ; the master at arms turned loose all the 
prisoners; and the officers crowded around their com- 
mander, praying him to surrender. But with startling 
energy he stamped on the burning deck, and ordered 
each man to his post. Then the calmness of sub- 
dued energy returned, his voice again rang out, and 
28* 



330 



REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 



his men forgot to fear. Gradually the British fire 
slackened, their mainmast began to shake, and at 
half past ten they struck. Scarcely was there time 
to transport the wounded to the prize, when the Bon 
Homme Richard sank. The Serapis was herself on 
fire, and had five feet of water in the hold. " A per- 
son," says Jones himself, " must have been an eye- 
witness to form a just idea of the tremendous scene of 
carnage, wreck, and ruin, which everywhere appeared. 
Humanity cannot but recoil from the prospect of such 
finished horror, and lament that war should be 
capable of producing such fatal consequences." 

The Serapis was a new ship of forty-four guns, 
constructed in the most approved manner, with two 
complete batteries; one of them eighteen-pounders. 
She was commanded by Commodore Richard Pearson. 





PUTNAM'S FEAT AT HORSENECK. 




URING the invasion of 
Connecticut by Governor 
Tryon, General Putnam, 
with the main body of his 
force, was stationed at 
Reading, in that state. 
On one occasion, while 
superintending a picket of 
one hundred and fifty men at Horseneck, he was 
suddenly surprised by a body of fifteen hundred 
troops, both cavalry and infantry, led by Tryon 
himself. His situation was perilous. The picket 
were on the brow of a hill, so steep that nearly one 



332 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

hundred steps had been cut in its sides for the 
accommodation of foot passengers. On each side 
of this steep path was a swamp impervious to 
cavalry. 

Undismayed by the vastly superior force of his 
opponent, Putnam drew up his little band in front of 
the morass, and, exhorting them to be cool and 
fearless, he commenced a cannonade of the enemy 
with two small field-pieces. Enveloped in flame and 
smoke, that iron heart bore up against the fearful 
odds, and moved like a giant spirit amid his faithful 
followers. For a little while the British were fairly 
held at bay ; while the Americans, elated by success, 
poured their blasting volleys in quick succession amid 
the astonished foe. 

At length the cavalry prepared for a charge ; and, 
foreseeing the fatal consequences, Putnam ordered 
his men to conceal themselves in the swamp. They 
had scarcely time to do this, when the dragoons were 
within pistol-shot. Every eye was now turned to 
their commander. He could not follow them, and 
destruction appeared inevitable. Calm and dignified 
he sat on his horse, until the last soldier had gained 
the thicket, and all was safe. Sure of their prize, the 
dragoons spurred desperately forward, and rose in 
the stirrup to cut down the warrior with a decisive 
blow. But Putnam^s plan had been formed. Urging 
his horse to the precipice, he hung one moment on its 
verge, and in the next was dashing headlong down 
the steps. Involuntarily the bewildered cavalry dis- 
charged their pistols, and reined upon the giddy 
brink. Not one of that host durst follow where 



PUTNAM'S FEAT AT HORSENECK. 



333 



Putnam led. Their prey had slipped from their 
grasp; and, as they gazed at his furious riding, exe- 
crations deep and vengeful were pressed between their 
teeth. One momentary hope remained — that horse 
and rider might tumble headlong. Indeed, it ap- 
peared inevitable. But the daring horseman fell not. 
Buoyed above fear, he sat as upright as though on 
parade; while his steed seemed gifted with super- 
natural power. The whirl of excitement, the period 
when none dared breathe, was but for a moment. 
Putnam gained the plain unharmed ; and, after 
stopping long enough to bestow one meaning smile 
on the spectators above, hurried forward to his main 
army. After receiving reinforcements, he faced about 
and pursued Tryon on his return. 





General Greene. 



BATTLE OF EUTAW SPRINGS. 




HERE is often a parallel to be ob- 
served in the fortunes of great 
men. As Washington, after a pe- 
riod of long and vexatious inaction, 
crowned his military course with 
the capture of Cornwallis ; so his 
most active officer, Gen. Greene, 
his brilliant course by the victory of 
rings. That great man found the 



BATTLE OF EUTAW SPRINGS. 335 

South a conquered province. A fine army led by an 
indefatigable general, and flushed with victory, was 
ready to crush the least signs of rebellion or opposition ; 
and so sure did Cornwallis consider his conquest, that 
he was ready to march into Virginia before Greene 
had arrived to supersede General Gates. How the 
American general rose as difficulties pressed him, — 
how his comprehensive mind embraced in one sweep, 
all the plans and requisites for a successful campaign, 
— how he gave spirit and discipline to the defeated 
Americans; led them cheerfully into battle; made 
them veterans, and wrung from his astonished oppo- 
nent the long-worn laurels of the South — are familiar 
to all. The reward of his brilliant career, the natural 
consequence of his toil and suffering and anxiety, 
was the action at Eutaw Springs. 

The evening of the 7th of September, 1781, was 
serene and beautiful. On the wide stretching plains 
of the South, the blue sky with her thousand stars looked 
down with a stillness and solemnity, that lent a magic 
influence to all around, and raised the feelings of man 
from earth to heaven. Yet, even amid that quiet 
scene, dark and terrible passions were rankling, for 
five thousand men lay in arms waiting for the dawn 
to light, to guide them to death and slaughter. 

For three days previous to this, General Greene 
had advanced by easy marches toward the enemy's 
position. But to his astonishment the latter appeared 
to have no intimation of his approach, and although 
the American scouts came within reconnoitering 
distance, he still remained in the same position. Al- 
though Greene's march was effected without any 



336 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

attempt at concealment, yet, during the night of the 
7th, the same dead calm continued; nobody was 
observed moving. 

But the morning of the 8th was destined to break 
this oppressive quietness. At four o'clock Greene 
put the Americans in motion, arranged in two columns, 
with the artillery in front. Lieutenant-Colonel Lee 
formed the advance, and Lieutenant-Colonel Wash- 
ington the rear. After advancing cautiously to within 
four miles of the British camp, Lee suddenly encoun- 
tered a party of the enemy, and halted. The echoing 
of musketry through the woods, soon gave notice to 
the American commander that an action had com- 
menced, and the horse were hurried forward to par- 
ticipate. The hot fire in front so severely galled the 
British that they began to give way. At the same 
moment the cavalry dashed into their rear, driving 
before them the enemy's horsemen and foragers, 
scattering the infantry in all directions, and securing 
about forty with their captain. 

The soldiers had marched but a little distance 
after this skirmish, when they encountered a second 
corps, and the action recommenced. The artillery 
was now opened on both sides, and, while the soldiers 
were falling beneath its fire, each army formed its line 
of battle. The North Carolina militia, with those of 
South Carolina, made the first line ; the continentals 
the second. Lee's legion had care of the right flank, 
and Henderson's corps of the left. Two three-pound- 
ers were in the front line, and the remainder of the 
artillery, two sixes, in the rear. The cavalry under 
Lieutenant-Colonel Washington formed the reserve. 



BATTLE OF EUTAW SPRINGS. 337 

The British formed but one line, drawn up in front of 
their tents, with two separate bodies of infantry and 
cavalry in their rear, and their artillery distributed in 
different roads along the line. 

While the skirmishing continued, one corps after 
another came into action, until the greater part of 
both armies was engaged. The fire ran from rank to 
rank, raking the long extended lines, and bringing 
infantry, horse, and artillery-men to the ground. Part 
of the British centre, with two other regiments, rushed 
suddenly upon the advance militia, routed them after 
a short struggle, and hurried on toward the left flank. 
But the troops composing this part of the army, under 
Lieutenant-Colonel Henderson, received the shock 
with firmness, and poured forward their volleys with a 
rapidity and precision, that stopped pursuit and re- 
stored the battle. Fired by this spirited conduct, 
Greene dashed toward his second line, and ordered its 
centre, under Brigadier-General Sumter, to move into 
the chasm, left by the retiring militia. These troops 
poured into action with loud shouts ; the battle grew 
darker and bloodier, and the enemy in their turn fell 
back to the first position. Lieutenant-Colonel Stewart, 
the British commander, hurried into action the infantry 
in rear of his left wing. The conflict was then terri- 
ble. Regiments were sweeping along under galling 
fires ; the hot sun was beaming and dancing over 
thousands of bayonets, and helmets, and sabres ; cav- 
alry were thundering from rank to rank, the sheaths 
of the dragoons ringing across the field : w'hile the 
ground, air, and woods rocked, with the rushings of 
angry thousands, the rattling of musketry, the loud 
29 y 



338 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

roaring of cannon. The plumes of officers were 
leaping here and there between the volumes of smoke ; 
charge after charge was crushing scores into the 
earth; and the love of life, the strong universal tie, 
was suspended in the whirlings of passion. 

High over this scene of uproar, General Greene's 
form was observed, like some powerful spirit, swaying 
the elements of destruction and terror. His voice 
rang wildly through the fearful uproar, and his sword 
flashed with startling energy in the bright sunbeams, 
as he drove on his brave men to different positions. 
Observing the closeness of the conflict, he determined 
upon a decisive movement, and ordered up the 
Maryland and Virginia men. Their loud shouts 
announced their coming ; and soon, like the blast of 
a volcano, their drizzling hail opened upon the British. 
Whole companies were annihilated, or reduced to 
skeletons ; horse and rider sunk at once to the 
earth, and for a moment the veterans of England 
staggered. 

At this critical moment, Major Majoribanks hurled 
his grenadier battalion into action, and sustained his 
faltering comrades. But, determined on victory, 
Greene ordered Lieutenant-Colonel Washington to 
fall upon him ; and, galloping furiously along the line, 
called for the bayonet. Suddenly the American fire 
died away, and the long extended line was bending 
forward to the charge. Blasting volleys were poured 
into their ranks, and brave fellows sunk down on every 
side. Every gun was aimed full at their faces, and 
every cannon glared terribly upon their densely 
packed ranks. Still they stopped not — swerved not. 



BATTLE OF EUTAW SPRINGS. 339 

The eye of Greene was upon them, and the war-worn 
defenders of the South were leading them on. The 
woods resounded with their firm tramp, and the 
enemy prepared for the terrible encounter. 

At this moment Lieutenant-Colonel Lee, observing 
that the line extended beyond the British flank, 
instantly ordered a company to gain the latter, and 
give it a raking fire. Assailed in front by the bayonet 
and in flank by musketry, the enemy recoiled in haste. 
For a moment they rallied — the armies closed — 
bayonets plunged at opposing bosoms ; then all was 
dark. The next moment the British line was broken, 
the troops flying in all directions, and leaving their 
camp the undisputed prize of the victors. Had the 
nature of the ground been favourable to the move- 
ments of cavalry, the whole British army would have 
been captured. But, unfortunately, Colonel Wash- 
ington became involved in a swamp, where he could 
neither advance nor recede ; and in this position he 
was exposed to the fire of the whole retreating corps. 
Many officers were killed, his horse shot under him, 
and himself bayoneted and taken. One-half of his 
corps was destroyed. This afforded the British an 
opportunity of covering their retreat ; while part of 
them entered a large stone house, adjoining the road. 

In this pursuit the Americans captured three hun- 
dred prisoners and two pieces of artillery. Conster- 
nation prevailed in the British army ; fugitives were 
hastening toward Charleston ; and the staff were de- 
stroying stores of every kind. 

At this critical juncture, when Lieutenant-Colonel 
Lee had possession of all the roads commanding the 



340 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

retreat, he received intelligence that a sustaining corps 
had failed to come up, and could not be found. This 
unlooked-for news was not less fatal to the bright 
prospect of personal glory than to the splendid issue 
of the conflict. Lee was obliged to withdraw, and 
immediately Stewart restored his broken line, and 
renewed the action. He regained his captured camp 
and artillery, and took two American pieces. 

Thus closed the battle of Eutaw Springs, in which 
accident wrested a complete victory from the hands 
of the American general. It lasted more than three 
hours, and was fiercely contested, the corps in both 
armies bravely supporting each other. With the 
exception of the cavalry, where the advantage lay 
with the Americans, the armies were about equal, both 
in numbers and composition. Each numbered twenty- 
three hundred, with like proportions of irregulars. 
The loss was uncommonly great. According to official 
returns, more than one-fifth of the British, and one- 
fourth of the American army, were killed and wounded, 
and officers on both sides considered the loss much 
greater. The enemy made sixty prisoners, all wounded; 
the Americans about five hundred, including some 
wounded left in camp by Colonel Stewart at his retreat. 
Of six regimental commanders, only Williams and 
Lee were unhurt. Washington, Howard, and Hen- 
derson were wounded ; and the respected and beloved 
Lieutenant-Colonel Campbell was killed. Both sides 
claimed the victory, but the advantages were altogether 
with the Americans. 




General Wayne. 



WAYNE'S CHARGE AT GREEN SPRING. 



HE name of Wayne is asso- 
ciated with all that is daring 
and chivalric in our revolu- 
tionary struggle. Impetuous 
as a cataract in battle, and 
yet cool and calculating, few 
who leaned upon him for sup- 
port, in the hour of danger, ever complained 
of disappointment ; and his conduct at Ger- 
mantown, Monmouth, and Stony Point, proves 
his efficiency both in following a leader, and in 
commanding an assault. 




J 



344 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

During La Fayette's stirring campaign in Virginia, 
Wayne was despatched by Washington, to assist that 
nobleman in his efforts against Cornwallis. On the 
6th of July, 1781, La Fayette came up with the 
British general near the Chickahominy Creek, and on 
learning that the main body of his army had already 
crossed the river to the northern bank, leaving behind 
it on the southern only a rear guard, he determined 
to attack it. The main body of his army had not 
yet arrived ; yet placing the seven hundred men with 
him, who were the very flower of his army, under Gen- 
eral Wayne, he ordered him to attack the supposed 
rear. 

Wayne vigorously attacked the pickets, driving 
them rapidly before him, and pushing for the entire 
guard. Suddenly a sight terrible as unexpected burst 
upon him. The information on which he was acting 
had been false; the whole British army was drawn up in 
battle array, and he, with seven hundred men, not fifty 
yards from them. Retreat was utterly impossible, and 
to remain inactive would have secured destruction. 
The least show of fear, the least indecision, would have 
been fatal ; Wayne knew it, and his course was taken. 
Parties were already on his flanks ; and the enemy 
pressing forward, certain of undisputed victory. Ral- 
lying his little band around him, he ordered a charge 
with the bayonet, and dashed down into the heart of 
opposing thousands. Instantly a movement was ob- 
served among them, and in a few moments the flanking 
parties were recalled, and the first line heaved back be- 
fore the general's furious shock. Even Cornwallis was 
deceived by so brilliant a manoeuvre, and, imagining 



WAYNE'S CHARGE. 



345 



that the whole American army was approaching, he 
hastily concentrated his forces, and prepared for the 
attack. Seeing all obstructions removed, Wayne sud- 
denly withdrew his troops, and, though in the face of 
a galling fire, conducted them away in excellent order. 
Bewildered by so inexplicable a movement, the British 
commander imagined it to be but a stratagem to draw 
him into an ambuscade, and accordingly forbid all 
pursuit. The Americans lost one hundred and eight 
men, a proof of the dreadful fire under which they 
made their charge. The British loss is unknown. 
Wayne received the highest commendations of the 
marquis, as well as those of Washington and Greene. 





Commodore Barney. 



CAPTUEE OF THE GENERAL MONK. 




N the 8th of April, 1782, Lieu- 
tenant Joshua Barney commenced 
his cruise for the capture of the 
enemy's privateers, which had 
lately committed great outrages 
in the vicinity of Delaware Bay. His ship, the 
Hyder Ally, carried sixteen guns, and had been fitted 
up by the state of Pennsylvania expressly for this 
service. While alone near the Capes, he was descried 



CAPTURE OF THE GENERAL MONK. 349 

by a brig and two ships of the enemy, who im- 
mediately commenced an attack. After permitting 
the smaller vessel to pass, Barney allowed one of the 
ships to approach within pistol-shot ; while the other 
stationed herself toward the west, in order to cut off 
the retreat of the Americans. 

The attacking vessel now bore down in haste 
upon the Hyder Ally, imagining that the latter would 
strike ; but a wide ringing broadside, whose shot 
came ripping and splitting among spars and sails, 
soon corrected the mistake. At such unmistakeable 
marks of determination, the enemy halted for a 
moment ; and then commenced ranging alongside 
of Captain Barney, preparatory to boarding. At this 
important moment, Barney directed the quartermaster 
in a loud voice to port the helm, while at the same 
time he was under secret orders to perform a ma- 
noeuvre exactly opposite. By this singular stratagem 
the British were completely deceived, and allowed 
the Americans to gain a position where they could 
effectually rake their enemy. The battle now raged 
with such fury, that in twenty-six minutes twenty 
broadsides were fired. Amid this scene of death and 
desolation, while the two ships were rocking under 
repeated shocks, and the water hissing and boiling 
with shot, Captain Barney stood upon the quarter- 
deck, in full view of the enemy's musketeers, and a 
mark for every discharge. In twenty-six minutes the 
enemy struck her colours. 

The prize proved to be the General Monk, for- 
merly an American vessel, under the title of General 
Washington. It had been captured by the British, 
30 



350 



REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 



and fitted up, under a new name, with eighteen nine- 
pounders, and one hundred and thirty-six men, under 
Captain Rodgers. 

The General Monk lost twenty men killed, and 
thirty-three wounded ; the Hyder Ally four killed, and 
eleven wounded. Considering the great disparity of 
force, together with the fierceness of the action and 
brilliancy of manoeuvring, this is justly considered 
one of the proudest achievements on our naval 
record. 





l x 



THE MUTINIES. 



THE sufferings endured by 
our brave men, during the 
long struggle for indepen- 
dence, can scarcely be 
appreciated by those who 
live in a more propitious 
age. Encamped in win- 
ter amid driving snows, 
with no shelter except 
rude huts, without blank- 
ets or shirts, they frequent- 
ly passed entire days destitute of any food. Their 
petitions were rejected by Congress, and their pay 
was often more than a year in arrears. Disease was 
added to their other miseries— death in every shape 
stared them in the face. Should their cause fail, 
30* z 




354 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

nothing was before them but an ignominious fate; 
and should they gain their independence, their only 
reward appeared to be utter destitution. 

Under these circumstances it is no matter of sur- 
prise that discontent against Congress, and a dissatis- 
faction with the service, should have spread them- 
selves throughout the camp. Men of common mould 
would not have supported such suffering one week ; 
and amid all the wonders of that wonderful period, 
one of the greatest is the patience of the revolutionary 
martyrs. 

An unfortunate oversight of Congress, was the 
enlistment of men for three years, or during the con- 
tinuance of the war. When the three years expired, 
the troops claimed their discharge, asserting that the 
phrase — "during the continuance of the war," was 
added only as a provision in case of the war ceasing 
before the expiration of three years. Congress, how- 
ever, thought differently, contending that the disputed 
phrase provided for the continuation of the war 
beyond three years. Considering the construction 
of Congress as an attempt at fraud, the soldiers became 
discontented and exasperated, and peremptorily claim- 
ed their discharge. This was positively refused, and 
now the forbearance of patriotism itself was ex- 
hausted. 

On the 1st of January, 1781, the whole Pennsylva- 
nia line, except a part of three regiments, paraded 
under arms, seized provisions, ammunition, and six field- 
pieces, broke into the stables of General Wayne, and 
took his horses to transport them. The alarm spread 
like lightning through the camp, messengers rushed 



THE MUTINEERS. 355 

toward Wayne's head-quarters, and in half an hour 
wild uproar was revelling where all had been order 
and quiet. The officers met in groups, pale and un- 
decided ; men that had charged into the throat of 
blazing batteries, were now irresolute, and feeble as 
children. The remainder of the line hurried together, 
and, gaining courage from their presence, the officers 
joined them, and confronted the insurgents. Shots 
were exchanged, and a few fell dead. Then the muti- 
neers became furious. Sweeping onward with fixed 
bayonets, they drove everything before them, and 
called on their opposers to join them, under pain of 
instant death. Unable to stand before so overwhelm- 
ing a tide, they complied, and the revolt became 
general. 

At this moment a single horseman was seen gal- 
loping as for life toward the army. Alone, armed 
only with his pistols, that fierce rider dashed along the 
ranks, and called for submission. It was General 
Wayne ; he whose wild battle-shout had led them at 
Brandywine and Germantown, and Monmouth and 
Stony Point. But there are moments when love and 
reverence are flung to the winds, in the struggle for 
right and honour. Wayne's magic voice had lost its 
spell. Each soldier sternly grasped his piece, and the 
march continued. He drew his pistol ; but, with a 
calmness stern and dreadful, they said, " General, we 
respect and love you. Often have you led us into the 
field of battle ; but we are no longer under your com- 
mand. We warn you to be on your guard. If you 
fire your pistols, or attempt to enforce your com- 
mands, you are a dead man !" Unable to stem the 



356 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

torrent, he resorted to expostulation. He reminded 
them of the cause for which they were fighting ; of 
their former patience, and of the ignominy they would 
acquire by joining the enemy, who were doubtless on 
the alert to seize this favourable opportunity. " We 
are not going to the enemy," was their answer. "On 
the contrary, were they now to come out, you should 
see us fight under your orders with as much alacrity 
as ever. But we will no longer be amused. We are 
determined on obtaining what is our just due. We 
have been imposed upon, and deceived respecting our 
term of enlistment ; we have received no wages for 
more than a year ; we are destitute of clothing, and 
have often been deprived of our rations. Now we 
march to Congress to demand that justice which has 
so long been denied." They set out for Philadelphia; 
moving in the strictest military order, and posting 
pickets, guards, and sentinels, around their night camps. 
Wayne, with other officers, accompanied them, and, 
on arriving at Princeton, prevailed on them to halt, 
and draw up a petition of redress to be presented to 
Congress. 

On hearing of this unexpected occurrence, Sir 
Henry Clinton hastened to turn it to his own advantage. 
Well assured that the breath of civil war would blast 
the prospect of independence far more effectually than 
any effort he could exert, he sent two emissaries to 
the revolters, with written instructions that, by laying 
down their arms and marching to New York, they 
should receive their arrearages and depreciation in 
hard cash, should be well clothed, have a free pardon 
for all past offences, be protected by the British 



THE MUTINEERS. 357 

government, and have no military service imposed 
upon them, unless voluntarily offered. But Sir Henry 
was unacquainted with the men with whom he was 
dealing, and had calculated too far on the influence of 
Arnold's example. His golden offers were spurned 
with the disdain of true patriotism, and the commis- 
sioners seized. Soon after a committee redressed the 
wrongs of the insurgents, the British deputies were 
executed as spies, and the soldiers returned to duty. 

The revolt of the New Jersey line was one more 
deeply tragic. Determined not to temporize with so 
dangerous an event, Washington despatched Major- 
General Howe, with five hundred men, to quell the 
rebellion at all hazards. After four days' marching, 
through woods and over mountains, in the depth 
of winter, they reached the huts of the insurgents. 
Howe then ordered his aid to command the mutineers 
to appear on parade in front of their camp, unarmed, 
within five minutes. They hesitated ; a second mes- 
senger was sent ; and, finding all resistance useless, 
they paraded without arms. A terrible pause suc- 
ceeded — the sickening anticipation of unknown evil. 
Then three of the ringleaders were brought out, 
court-martialled on the spot, and sentenced to be 
immediately shot. Twelve of their guilty companions 
were selected as executioners. Terrible duty ! — each 
shuddered with horror; and, when ordered to load, 
shed tears of bitter agony. Overwhelmed by the 
terrors of death, the victims gazed despairingly from 
side to side ; but no force was near to wrest them 
from the stern arm of power. Every heart bled with 
sympathy, yet none dared speak his feelings. 



358 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

The first victim was led to the distance of a few 
yards, and placed upon his knees. At a signal from 
an officer, six of the executioners fired, three aiming 
at his breast, and three at his head. A stifled groan 
of agony came from the line, and each man involun- 
tarily closed his eyes. But every gun had missed. 
The next moment the remaining six fired, and the 
wretch was hurled into eternity. The second crimi- 
nal was despatched at the first fire. Half dead with 
apprehension, the third victim was brought upon the 
snow. He kneeled down. Already the pieces were 
aimed, and every muscle shuddered in anticipation of 
the fatal report. Suddenly he was pardoned. The 
thrill of joy — of wild relief — at that unexpected 
moment, was too great even for military discipline. 
With exclamations of gratitude, all the men rushed 
toward their officers ; and, while tears streamed from 
their eyes, swore never again to desert the cause. 

After the execution was finished, Howe ordered 
the former officers to resume their stations and com- 
mand ; and then, in a pathetic manner, addressed the 
whole line by platoons, endeavouring to impress them 
with a sense of the enormity of their crime, and of 
the dreadful consequences which might have resulted 
from it. After this he commanded them to ask 
pardon of their officers, and promise to devote them- 
selves to duty in future. 

In this affair Sir Henry Clinton again made 
himself detestable, by sending an emissary to the 
troops, with similar offers to those formerly extended. 
His designs were again frustrated ; after which 
General Howe returned to head-quarters. 




T1ATTLE OF THE COWPENS. 




I IE British under Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel Tarleton, 
numbering eleven hun- 
dred men, with two 
field-pieces, on the 17th 
of January, 1781, came 
in sight of eight hun- 
dred Americans, under 
General Morgan, posted at the Cowpens. The ground 
was by no means favourable for defensive warfare, 
leaving the flanks unprotected, and cutting off retreat 
by a deep river in the rear. Yet, under all these dis- 
advantages, Morgan firmly awaited the arrival of his 
adversary, with the determination of giving battle. 
His army was drawn up in three lines, — the first 
composed of militia, the second of continental in- 
fantry, and a third, constituting the reserve, of Colo- 
nel Washington's cavalry, and a company of mounted 
militia. 

31 



362 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

As the armies hung on the verge of battle, Morgan 
rode among his troops, praising the unshrinking firm- 
ness with which they had sustained so many battles, 
exhorting them not to let the present one diminish 
their fame, and reminding them that they were fight- 
ing under a leader never yet defeated. 

Scarcely were the words of that fiery appeal 
spoken, when the enemy came bearing down with 
irresistible fury, sweeping the militia before them, 
and rushing forward to charge the regulars. Undis- 
mayed by the repulse of the militia, this little band 
bore up against the impetuous surge, and received the 
shock with unshrinking firmness. A terrible conflict 
began. Spurning their dead and wounded beneath 
their feet, the British drove on with the bayonet, 
charging and recharging with fearful rapidity. But, 
animated by the gallant Howard, the continentals 
bent forward to the blow, and wrestled with overpow- 
ering numbers, until they were completely outflanked. 
Morgan then ordered a retreat to the cavalry; and 
though in full range of a superior enemy, the whole 
line effected the movement in the most perfect order. 
By this means the flanks were relieved and a new order 
of battle formed. 

Considering this retrograde movement as the pre- 
cursor of flight, the British line pressed on with 
impetuosity and disorder ; but with a rapidity truly 
astonishing, Howard's troops faced about, and dis- 
charged their pieces full in their opponents' faces. 
Stunned by this unexpected shock, the most advanced 
recoiled in confusion. At that critical moment 
Howard rushed on them with the bayonet. Wild 



BATTLE OF THE COWPENS. 363 

rout and uproar took the place of pursuit. The ad- 
vancing reserve shared the fate of the main body — 
everything broke and scattered beneath Howard's 
terrible charge. 

Meanwhile, the militia had rallied, and been attack- 
ed by the enemy's cavalry ; but, at the same time that 
the continental infantry charged the British line, Co- 
lonel Washington, with his dragoons, charged their 
cavalry. Hurled forward by this impetuous officer, 
our horsemen burst like an avalanche among the Brit- 
ish, trampling horse and rider in the dust, and hurrying 
the others before him in full gallop. In a few mo- 
ments they were crushing down ranks of their own 
army, that were fleeing before Howard. Then Mor- 
gan rallied his militia, and, shouting above the din of 
battle, drove down amid the disastrous rout. Urged 
by the sense of their sufferings from that very army, 
the Americans hurried to vengeance, with shouts of 
exultation. The clashing of bayonets, the thunder- 
ings of cavalry, the ringing of sabres, and noise of 
victory, pealed far and wide along those solitary 
plains ; while in every direction, swords and bayonets 
and drums, and horses, and dead and dying, were 
strewed in utter confusion. Still the flight continued, 
and behind it the thunderings of pursuit, until the 
exhausted victors could no longer pursue. Wash- 
ington followed Tarleton twenty miles ; and, on one 
occasion, when separated from his command, was in 
imminent danger from three dragoons, who made a 
combined attack upon him. By the assistance of a 
soldier he drove these off, after receiving a wound in • 
the knee. 



364 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

In this decisive action, the Americans lost about 
seventy men, of whom twelve only were killed. The 
British infantry, with the exception of the baggage 
guard, were nearly all killed or taken. One hundred, 
including ten officers, were killed, twenty-three officers 
and five hundred privates were taken. The artillery, 
eight hundred muskets, two standards, thirty-five bag- 
gage-wagons, and one hundred dragoon horses, 
remained with the victors. 




General Morgan. 



\ 




CAPTURE OF NEW LONDON. 



IMMEDIATELY after General Ar- 
| nold had returned from his infa- 
mous expedition into Virginia, he 
was despatched by Sir Henry 
Clinton on an expedition against 
New London, Connecticut. After 
taking undisputed possession of 
Fort Trumbull, he advanced 
against Fort Griswold, and summoned the garrison to 
surrender. Colonel Ledyard, the commandant, replied 
that he would defend the place to the last. He had 
with him but one hundred and sixty men, and the 
works were but moderately strong. 




368 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

The British moved to the attack in three columns, 
and were received by a steady fire from the garrison. 
As they neared the fort, the quick wide gaps in their 
ranks showed that death was stalking with rapid 
strides among them ; but, hurried' on by the daring 
Arnold, they bared their bosoms to the sweeping fire, 
and at length gained the works. Then a momentary 
struggle ensued, and the silence told that our troops 
had surrendered. Leaping over a parapet, a British 
officer asked who commanded. Colonel Ledyard ap- 
peared, and presented his sword. It was taken, and 
with savage malignity plunged into the patriot's breast. 
Then commenced a scene fit only for British warfare 
in America. Imitating the infamous example of their 
leader, the troops rushed among the unarmed gar- 
rison, hacking and bayoneting all that came in their 
way, and flinging all honour or humanity to the wind. 
Again the savage war-cry went up, while, mingling 
with it in sickening accents, was the wail of innocence, 
the unavailing prayer for mercy. Still the awful work 
went on ; son and brother and bosom companion 
were butchered together, until piles of corpses were 
packed along the walls, and the ground ran deep with 
human gore. But forty remained uninjured. 

In the assault the enemy lost forty-three killed, 
and one hundred and forty-five wounded. Colonel 
Ayre, the commandant, was killed, and Colonel 
Montgomery wounded. 

After this proceeding, Arnold resumed his march 
toward New London. After plundering it of every- 
thing which his troops could carry, he set. the town on 
fire, and retired to a neighbouring hill to watch the con- 



CAPTURE OF NEW LONDON, 



369 



flagration. Here, amid scenes which should have 
melted his heart — amid the rocks, and streams, and 
woods of his childhood — he stood like a demon, 
glutting his appetite for destruction. Gradually house 
after house sunk among the smouldering flames, and 
the fortunes of their owners were ruined. Besides 
the buildings, an immense amount of moveable 
property was included in the conflagration. The 
surrounding country was then ravaged ; and, after 
doing as much mischief as possible, Arnold returned 
to New York. 





Ruins of Wyoming. 



MASSACRE OF WYOMING. 




^jlHE village of 
jjj Wyoming was 
■ a small and 



IB flourishing set- 
tlement, situated 
in a delightful 
I valley on the 
eastern branch 
of the Susquehanna. Unfortunately, the territory 
was claimed both by Pennsylvania and Connecticut ; 
and thus, from the collision of contradictory claims, 
founded on royal charters, the laws of neither state 
were enforced. 

Near this peaceful settlement, embosomed amid 



MASSACRE OF WYOMING. 373 

the wildest scenes of nature, and remote from all 
immediate help, the tory partisans of Britain could 
assemble, and concert their schemes with perfect 
security. Having ventured, however, within the 
bounds of the village, a party of them were arrested 
by the authorities of Connecticut, and sent to Hartford 
for trial. They were soon set at liberty ; but the 
remembrance of their captivity rankled in their 
bosoms, and produced a determination of vengeance. 
They visited the different Indian tribes, painted their 
wrongs in burning colours, and called upon every one 
to lift the hatchet against his oppressor. Roused by 
these fiery appeals, the warriors of the vicinity met 
in council, and resolved the utter extermination of all 
the Wyoming settlers. 

In a short time the enemy assembled together, to 
the number of eleven hundred, of whom two hundred 
were Indians. As commander, they chose Colonel 
John Butler, a man notorious for every species of 
crime. In July, 1778, he appeared in force before a 
small fort, situated near the village, and demanded its 
surrender. As the works were in a miserable con- 
dition, and the garrison but a handful, the demand 
was obeyed. A part of the garrison had previously 
retired to Forty Fort, near Kingston ; and before this 
place Butler now appeared, summoning it to sur- 
render. Colonel Zebulon Butler, the commander, 
answered by proposing a conference at the bridge 
without the works. This was agreed upon, and the 
commandant, with his officers and the greater part of 
the garrison, repaired to the spot ; but, not meeting 
the enemy, they indulged the pleasing hope that the • 

32 



374 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

latter had fled ; and, instead of returning to the fort, 
commenced a hurried pursuit. Over three miles they 
continued their reckless march, when they suddenly 
came in sight of a few straggling Indians. On these 
they fired, but in a moment were convinced of the 
withering fact, that they had been drawn into an 
ambuscade. With one wild shout the tories and 
savages commenced their attack, levelling and riddling 
the crowded masses before their terrible fire. A 
cry of horror rose, and for a moment the Americans 
paused ; but the officers rushed forward, restored 
order, and returned the enemy's fire. Then those 
brave men stood up against fate, and, though in 
full view of a hidden foe, exerted long but vain efforts 
to drive back their assailants. Undismayed by the 
havoc on all sides, they continued the conflict until 
the Indians had gained their rear, and cut off all 
retreat. Then they offered to surrender; but that 
offer was received with a fiendish laugh, that spoke 
terribly to those devoted men. Still the cries for 
mercy went up, and then that savage yell, and the 
rattling of hundreds of muskets. The sufferers flung 
away their weapons, and on their knees implored, 
with lifted hands, for the pittance of life. Then they 
hurried in crowds from side to side, wild and over- 
come with terror. Some threw themselves among the 
mangled dead, and lay as though senseless ; while the 
fierce wrestlings of the soul, in the agonies of despair, 
were sent up in broken prayers to Heaven. But all 
was vain. Shower after shower of iron hail came 
crashing among them, sweeping everything in its 
course, and mingling the screams of the wounded with 



MASSACRE OF WYOMING. 375 

the petitions for life. Of four hundred and seventeen 
who had left the fort, but fifty-seven escaped. 

After this dreadful scene, the murderers marched 
to the fort and again demanded its surrender. Ac- 
cordingly, articles of capitulation were signed, securing 
to the people in the fort their effects. Thirty men, 
and two hundred women then crossed the river, and 
commenced a distressing; march through the woods to 
Northampton county. The hardships of these unfor- 
tunate victims of barbarity were great ; many of the 
women were overwhelmed with grief at the loss of 
their husbands, brothers, or friends. Most of the 
provisions had been left behind, and sadness, disease, 
and hunger, accompanied their weary steps. Unable 
to support their miseries, several lay down under trees 
and prayed for death. Mutual sufferings caused the 
deepest sympathy, and these sorrowful ones were car- 
ried the remainder of the journey by their compan- 
ions. At length, emaciated with hunger, sickness, and 
fatigue, they arrived among the Pennsylvania settle- 
ments. 

In November, another massacre was perpetrated 
at Cherry Valley by one Brandt, who had been active 
in the former one. Accompanied by Walter Butler, 
son of Colonel John Butler, and by seven hundred 
men, he approached the fort at that place on the 9th. 
The commandant, Colonel Ichabod Alden, had re- 
ceived numerous intimations of danger; but, instead 
of concentrating his forces to meet it, he had discour- 
aged the inhabitants from taking refuge in the fort, 
and merely despatched a few scouts, to give alarm in 
case of seeing an enemy. These built a fire, and 



376 



REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 



went to sleep. In this condition, they were surprised 
and captured by Brandt. The settlement was invested 
on every side, and all the inhabitants put to death — 
some by shooting, some by fire, others by various tor- 
tures ; but the greater part were crowded into barns 
and houses, which were then consumed in one general 
conflagration. Between thirty and forty prisoners 
were reserved for future barbarities. 

After this diabolical act, the assailants proceeded 
against the fort. But its garrison of two hundred 
men defended themselves with a desperation which 
recent scenes had imparted to them, and the savages 
were obliged to retire. Colonel Alden, however, paid 
for his carelessness with his life. 




.■S&s 




General Lincoln. 



SURRENDER OF CORNWALLIS. 



O officer in the British army 
did more for the cause of his 
king, or better deserved suc- 
cess, than did Lord Corn- 
wallis. Fertile in stratagem, 
brave and persevering even 
to rashness, rapid in the com- 
bination and execution of his plans, he moved as a 
superior among all the English generals of the revo- 




380 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

lution. During the campaigns in the Jerseys, and 
around Philadelphia, he was continually in the most 
arduous and weighty services ; and when the South 
became the favourite field of the ministry, he was 
appointed to command in that quarter. There his 
very name was a terror; and the boldest troops re- 
laxed from their bearing when it was announced that 
Cornwallis was their enemy. 

. The 19th of October, 1781, was the day appointed 
for the surrender of the garrison at Yorktown. At 
twelve o'clock, the combined army was drawn up in 
two lines ; the Americans on the right, commanded 
by General Washington, in full uniform, and attended 
by his aids ; on the left, were the French troops under 
Count Rochambeau, and his suite. The French 
marched to their stations finely dressed, and with 
regular dignified step, to the sound of national 
music. In every direction thousands of spectators, 
grouped into crowds, were eagerly anticipating a sight 
of that formidable army, whose presence they had so 
often fled. Horses, carriages, every kind of vehicle, 
were extended in long rows, filled in many places with 
anxious spectators. 

At length a movement was observed in the town, 
and soon General O'Hara, mounted on a splendid 
charger, issued from the gates. Every eye was rivet- 
ed to the spot, in order to get a view of Cornwallis 
— the proud conqueror of the South. Slowly and 
gracefully O'Hara rode toward Washington, and yet 
the earl appeared not. Then the British general ap- 
proached the commander, removed his hat, and was 
referred to General Lincoln. Now the mystery was 



SURRENDER OF CORNWALLIS. 381 

explained. Cornwallis would not appear as a pris- 
oner of those he had been so long accustomed to 
conquer. 

Slowly following their general, came the British 
troops, with shouldered arms, cased colours, and tread- 
ing to the solemn tones of a national march. They 
were met by General Lincoln near the centre of the 
enclosed space, and conducted to the field where the 
ceremony was to take place. They were dressed in 
uniform entirely new, which presented a beautiful 
appearance ; but their march was irregular and disor- 
derly, and the ranks frequently broken. But when the 
last act of their humiliation came, when they were to 
resign the arms with which they had so frequently 
swept everything before them, shame and mortified 
pride could no longer be concealed. The command 
to ground arms, seemed torn by compulsion from 
most of the officers ; and was obeyed by many in a 
manner irritable and sullen. Observing this, Lincoln 
rode along the line and restored order. At the same 
time the troops at Gloucester Point surrendered in a 
similar manner to General de Choise. 

The whole number that capitulated at Yorktown, 
was seven thousand two hundred and forty-seven; 
seventy-five brass, and one hundred and sixty-nine 
iron cannon ; seven thousand seven hundred and 
ninety-four muskets ; eighteen German standards and 
ten British ones, with a large amount of provisional 
and other stores were taken. The military chest 
contained two thousand one hundred and thirteen 
pounds six shillings, sterling. 

The news of the capture and surrender of Corn- 



382 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 

wallis, produced an effect throughout the country 
unappreciable by those who live at a later day. 
When the panting messenger announced to Congress, 
that Comwallis had fallen, the door-keeper swooned 
at his station ; the voice of the orator was hushed ; 
all business was suspended, and the members hastened 
to the temple of God, to return public thanks to 
Almighty Providence. The workman left his tools ; 
the student his closet; and even ladies their seclu- 
sion ; crowds rushed through the streets and lanes, or 
assembled in groups, reading the news to the un- 
learned. The rich and the poor, the slave and his 
master, the gentleman and the mendicant, were for a 
moment equal ; and one wild shout — the burst of a 
nation's exultation, pealed up throughout the land. 
The Hector of the British host had fallen, and all felt 
that his cause could not long survive. 





CAPTURE OF L'INSURGENTE. 




N the 9th of February, 1799, Com- 
modore Truxtun, in the Constellation, 
came in sight of a large ship, and im- 
mediately gave chase. The stranger 
hoisted American colours ; but, unable 
to answer the Constellation's private 
signals, she ran up the French ensign, and fired a 
challenge. For the first time since the Revolution, 
one of our national vessels was in sight of an enemy. 
We had fought and triumphed on land ; now we 
were to meet the powers of the Old World upon sea. 
Every man was eager to engage ; and, as the gallant 



384 WAR WITH FRANCE. 

ship moved down upon the enemy, her speed seemed 
too small to meet the anxious longing of her crew. 
They were not disappointed. The Insurgente waited 
calmly for her opponent ; and, when the latter opened 
her fire, returned it with spirit. The silence was 
broken; the eager antagonists had their wish; and 
one loud cannonade roared across the solitary waters, 
rocking the surface of ocean like an earthquake, and 
heaving the ships to and fro with mighty energy. 
Nearer and nearer they drew to each other, and 
louder and fiercer the conflict grew, until nothing was 
heard but the roar of heavy ordnance, and nothing 
seen except a thick black pall, shooting forth columns 
of flame. Volleys of heavy shot were poured into 
the American foretopmast, until it reeled and swung 
backwards under the terrible blows. The young 
midshipman who commanded it (David Porter), 
called again and again to. his superior for leave to 
lower the sail and relieve the pressure ; but his voice 
was lost in the uproar of battle. Feeling that the 
mast must fall, unless this were done, he assumed the 
responsibility, and thus saved the ship from a serious 
misfortune. Her broadsides now raked the enemy 
from stem to stern, crashing masts, sails, and rigging, 
and strewing the deck with dead and dying. The 
Constellation then glided from the shrond of smoke, 
sailed round to her opponent's rear, and was on the 
point of raking her again, when the latter struck her 
colours. 

The Insurgente was one of the fastest sailers in 
the French navy, and was under the command of 
Captain Barreault. She carried forty French twelve- 



CAPTURE OF L'INSURGENTE. 385 

pounders, and four hundred and nine men. Her loss 
was twenty-nine killed, and forty-one wounded. The 
Constellation had thirty-eight guns (English calibre), 
three hundred and nine men, and had three of her 
crew wounded. 

An incident subsequent to the battle deserves men- 
tion. The first lieutenant of the Constellation, Mr. 
Rodgers, with Midshipman Porter and eleven men, 
were placed on board the prize to superintend the re- 
moval of prisoners. While engaged in this duty, the 
wind arose almost to a hurricane, night set in, and one 
hundred and seventy-three of the crew still remained 
on board. So strong was the action of the waves, 
that the ships were often widely separated, and then 
driven with fearful violence almost to a collision. At 
length, notwithstanding every exertion, the prize was 
driven completely out of sight. 

At this opportunity, so unexpectedly offered, the 
prisoners began to exhibit unequivocal signs of revolt. 
To the handful who watched them this movement 
would have been fatal ; but the intrepid Rodgers 
showed himself equal to the emergency. Ordering 
all the prisoners to the hold, he secured the fire-arms, 
and placed a sentinel at each hatchway, with positive 
orders to shoot every man who should attempt to 
mount the deck. In this unenviable situation he 
remained three days, watching his prisoners with 
sleepless vigilance, and exhorting his men never to 
surrender their prize. At the end of that time he 
arrived safely in St. Kitt's, where the Constellation 
was already anchored. 

33 Bb 




Commodore Truxtun. 



THE CONSTELLATION AND VENGEANCE. 



1 i^MM 



jHE battle between the Constellation 
jjj and Vengeance (February 2d, 
p 1800), is one of the most indu- 
jj bitable proofs in history of the 
American naval superiority, both 
in manoeuvring and action. The 
French frigate had been descried on the previous day, 
when Commodore Truxtun hoisted English colours. 




I 




THE CONSTELLATION AND VENGEANCE. 389 

These, however, were disregarded, and a chase com- 
menced, which continued all night, and through the 
following day. At eight in the evening, Truxtun was 
about speaking his opponent, when the latter suddenly- 
commenced firing. Flight and pursuit were now 
abandoned, and each commander prepared for a 
violent struggle. The night was dark ; and the sullen 
dashings of the waters seemed in unison with the 
terrible storm that was soon to hurry man into con- 
flict with his fellow man. 

At a few minutes past eight, the Constellation 
poured a heavy broadside into her antagonist, which 
was answered by a wide sheet of flame, followed by 
another and another, until the pitchy gloom was lighted 
up by the incessant volcanic glare. Side by side 
those two ships sat upon the waters, flinging out their 
crashing hail, and rolling with terrific violence upon 
the heaving ocean. Minutes and hours rolled on ; the 
night grew deeper and blacker, and the wind howled 
and shrieked along the heavens. But man heeded 
not the elements. Far over the ocean was that red 
dismal glare beheld ; and the distant mariner started 
from his dreaming berth, and bent forward to catch the 
faint lingering of that wild revel. At intervals each 
crew heard the shouts of opposing officers and the 
cheers of battle. The same voice that had rung out 
against the Insurgente was driving the Americans to 
battle ; while, as though in stern mockery, the French 
commander poured his thrilling appeals to his sailors. 
That night battle was a scene terrible and sublime. 

At one o'clock, the French vessel drew from the 
combat, and spread sail. Sure of victory, Truxtun 
33* 



390 WAR WITH FRANCE. 

ordered a chase, but at that moment received the 
disheartening intelligence, that every shroud had been 
shot from the mainmast, which was supported only 
by its wood. But, anxious to risk everything in order 
to secure the prize, he ordered his men to secure it 
long enough to come up with the enemy. But no ex- 
ertion could obviate the calamity, and the mast went 
by the board, in a few minutes after the enemy had 
retired. 

In this long-disputed action the Constellation lost 
fourteen men killed, and twenty-five wounded, eleven 
of whom subsequently died. Her whole crew was 
three hundred and ten souls. The armament of 
the Vengeance was twenty-eight eighteens, sixteen 
twelves, and eight forty-two pound carronades. Her 
crew was between four and five hundred men, and 
her loss fifty killed and one hundred and ten wounded. 
When arriving in Curacoa, she was in a sinking con- 
dition; and there can be little doubt, that had the 
action recommenced, her capture would have been 
inevitable. 





Commodore Decatur. 



BURNING OF THE PHILADELPHIA. 



IHE successful attack on the Phila- 
.^| delphia (February 16, 1804), laid 
rajpl the foundation of Decatur's fame. 
/j^g I The plan of the assault was not 
more admirable than the chivalric 
daring with which it was executed, 
HI or the little loss that attended it. 



394 WAR WITH TRIPOLI. 

Its influence on both belligerents was incalculable, and 
gave a new complexion to all the subsequent ope- 
rations of the war. 

The Siren and Intrepid had sailed on the 3d, under 
orders to burn the Philadelphia. Stormy weather 
attended them until the 15th; a calm succeeded; 
and Decatur, with about eighty men, made his re- 
connoissances for attack. These were continued until 
the afternoon of the following day, when the ship 
became visible. She remained in the same condition 
as when grounded, except that her lower rigging was 
standing, and her guns were loaded and shotted. 
Near her lay two corsairs, a few gun-boats, and two 
galleys. 

As the twilight declined, and the shades of evening 
gathered round, the Intrepid, slowly winding amid 
rocks and shoals, approached her intended object. 
The deep blue sky, purified by the late storm, was 
reflected from the tranquil water, as from a mirror ; 
while the young moon, like a crescent gem, hung fair 
and beautiful over the peaceful scene. Gradually, as 
evening deepened, the wind died away, until scarcely 
a breath swept across the waters, and the Intrepid lay 
as immoveable as though founded on a rock. Then a 
ripple would dim the bright surface, a slight breeze 
sweep on the vessel, and silently it would continue its 
swan-like course. How great the contrast of sleeping 
nature, with the feelings of that crew ! On the deck 
stood their leader, every muscle rigid with expectation, 
and his restless eye piercing through the surrounding 
night. At his feet lay his men in concealment, 
panting with expectation of the approaching struggle. 



BURNING OF THE PHILADELPHIA. 395 

Not a sound broke the oppressive silence — it was a 
pause stern and terrible. 

Suddenly a voice came ringing over the sea. They 
were hailed by the Moorish crew. A conversation 
took place, which was maintained under an assumed 
character on the part of the Americans, until the wind 
suddenly shifted and brought their vessel within com- 
plete range of the frigate's guns. Their situation was 
now perilous — a single broadside would have sent the 
Intrepid to the bottom. Fortunately no suspicion had 
as yet been excited, and the Turks even sent a boat 
to the assistance of the supposed unfortunate stranger. 
In a few moments the Intrepid was alongside of her 
prey. Instantly Decatur sprang to the side of the 
vessel. " Board !" he shouted to his crew, and the 
astonished Turks beheld their deck swarming with 
armed troops. Decatur's foot slipped in springing, 
so that Mr. Charles Morris had the honour of being 
first on the quarter-deck. In a moment his com- 
mander and a Mr. Laws were at his side, while heads 
and bodies appeared coming over the rail, and through 
the ports in all directions. 

Never was surprise more complete. The enemy 
hurried in disordered crowds from place to place, 
some crying for quarter, others climbing the shrouds, 
and others leaping overboard. In ten minutes the 
enemy were swept away, and the gallant Decatur had 
undisputed possession of his prize. 

And now a shade of sorrow dimmed the victor's 
joys. That proud vessel, whose deck he had often 
paced, in company with his nation's defenders, and 
for which he had faced such danger, must before 



396 WAR WITH TRIPOLI. 

morning be given to the flames. It would have been 
happiness to bring her from the sands, and once more 
restore her to her sister fleet ; but this was impossible. 
The combustibles were now ordered from the In- 
trepid, and in a few minutes the flames were sweeping 
and hissing along her sides. The greedy element 
licked up the spars and rigging, like chaff, and burst- 
ing sheets of fire drove the victors to their ketch. The 
flames burst from the port-holes, glanced like lightning 
along the sides, and flashed in the faces of the adven- 
turers. The ketch became jammed against the frigate, 
and all her ammunition was in danger of igniting. 
The crew, however, extricated themselves by their 
swords, and soon escaped from their dangerous position. 
Then they paused, turned one exulting gaze toward 
the burning vessel, and poured their feelings in one 
wild shout of victory. That sound had not yet sub- 
sided, when the land batteries, the corsairs and galleys, 
burst forth in one simultaneous roar. Showers of 
balls and shot came whistling around the men, plung- 
ing and splashing among the waters, and throwing 
the spray in all directions. But, elated b} r success, the 
crew hastened not, heeded not. That spectacle was 
terrible to sublimity. The Philadelphia was in one 
wide blaze. Sheets of flame flashed along her rolling 
hull, danced among her rigging, and, collecting along 
the masts, fell down with sullen report toward the 
water. The waves seemed like melted brass. All 
Tripoli was in uproar. Thousands of people were 
standing in fearful anxiety, gazing upon the conflagra- 
tion ; volumes of smoke were unfolding heavily along 
the heavens ; batteries were roaring on all sides ; 



BURNING OF THE PHILADELPHIA. 



397 



ships passing to and fro ; within a few miles all nature 
appeared convulsed. Yet the little craft bore on, till 
the balls ceased to whistle near them, and they were 
free from danger. Then, for the first time, each man 
thought of what he had accomplished, and gazed in 
astonishment at his fellows. Steadily the Intrepid 
bore on, until she met the boats of the Siren, sent to 
cover her retreat. In a few moments one of these 
returned to the Siren, bringing a man dressed in a sail- 
or's jacket. He sprang over the gangway — it was a 
messenger of victory, Decatur himself. 




34 




Commodore Preble. 



BOMBARDMENT OF TRIPOLI. 




N order to have a cor- 
rect idea of the terrible 
scene attending the 
bombardment of Tri- 
poli, it will be necessary 
to take a view of the 
respective forces of the 
combatants. The fleet 
of Commodore Preble 
consisted of one frigate 



BOMBARDMENT OF TRIPOLI. 401 

(the Constitution), three brigs, three schooners, six gun- 
boats, and two bombard-ketches ; carrying in all one 
hundred and sixty-four guns, and one thousand and 
sixty men. The castle and batteries of the enemy 
mounted one hundred and fifteen guns, of which forty- 
five were heavy brass battering-cannon. Beside these, 
there were nineteen gun-boats, each carrying a heavy 
twenty-four-pounder and two howitzers ; two schoon- 
ers of eight guns each, a brig of ten, and two galleys, 
each of four guns. The regular garrison and crews 
numbered three thousand men, and they were assisted 
by twenty thousand Arabs. 

On the afternoon of the 3d of August, 1804, 
signal was given for a general attack upon the town. 
It was commenced by bombs and heavy shot. In a 
moment two hundred cannon opened upon the 
American fleet, and Tripoli seemed shrouded in fire. 
The smoke from the ships meeting that on shore, 
formed one black canopy, under which the fierce 
combatants hurled forth their volleys of blasting 
flame. Through this dense darkness bombs were 
passing and repassing, scattering red-hot fragments 
in all directions, and sweeping everything before them 
as they struck at the desired object. The water 
ploughed and boiled with the incessant plunges, and 
the strong-built houses of Tripoli tottered as though 
in an earthquake. 

While the main forces were conducting the bom- 
bardment, Captain Decatur, with his three gun-boats, 
attacked nine of the enemy's. A few moments, and 
these little squadrons were rocking with their own 
cannonadings. These died away as the boats neared 
34* cc 



402 WAR WITH TRIPOLI. 

each other, and then succeeded the clash of bayonets 
and the ringing of sabres. Decatur seized a boat, 
and boarded her with but fifteen men. Five Turks 
rushed at him with their scimetars. The moment 
was big with importance. On his life hung the 
conduct and fate* of his men. But with the rapidity 
of thought he parried every blow, and drove back his 
antagonists unharmed. The captain, a powerful 
Turk, rushed at him and severed his blade; but 
Decatur closed with him, and both came to the deck. 
Although the American was under his antagonist, he 
managed to draw his pistol, with which he shot the 
Turk dead. Part of his crew then rushed to his 
assistance, and soon cleared the boat. With eight 
men he then advanced against another of the fleet, 
and carried it after a desperate encounter. The 
obstinacy of the enemy in these conflicts made the 
slaughter immense. The two prizes had thirty-three 
officers and men killed, and nineteen out of twenty- 
seven prisoners wounded. 

Meanwhile, Lieutenant Trippe boarded one of the 
enemy's large boats, with only a midshipman (Jona- 
than Henry) and nine men. At the moment of 
boarding his boat fell away, and thus eleven men 
were left to wrestle with thirty-six. The battle was 
fearful, but short. Fourteen of the enemy were 
killed, seven badly wounded, and the rest taken 
prisoners. Lieutenant Trippe received eleven sabre 
wounds, and fell while wrestling with his enemy. 
The lieutenant succeeded in getting his opponent's 
sword, with which he killed him. 

In this manner the battle raged for more, than two 



BOMBARDMENT OF TRIPOLI. 403 

hours, the batteries working within pistol-shot, and 
every gun in uninterrupted blast. At half-past four 
Commodore Preble gave signal to the smaller vessels 
to withdraw ; and soon after the whole fleet were 
retiring from the town, under cover of a fire from the 
Constitution. 

The smallness of the American loss in this fierce 
cannonade must ever remain a matter of astonish- 
ment. But one man was killed — Lieutenant Decatur, 
brother of the captain. One man had his arm 
shattered, and several others were wounded. The 
Constitution was considerably injured, and the other 
vessels suffered in their rigging. 

Vastly different was the effect upon the enemy. 
Of one hundred and three men on board the captured 
boats, only thirty were fit for duty. Three other 
boats were sunk with their entire crews, and the 
decks of the remaining vessels were swept of numbers. 
The town itself was considerably damaged, and the 
inhabitants thrown into the greatest consternation. 
Many fled into the interior; and, of the thousands 
who swarmed the house-tops to witness the com- 
mencement of the battle, not one was left ten minutes 
after it had begun. 

On the 7th of August, the second bombardment of 
Tripoli commenced. The ships opened their fire at 
half-past two, and continued three hours. Forty- 
eight shells, and five hundred twenty-four-pound round 
shot were thrown into the town, one battery silenced, 
and several boats injured. The Americans lost a 
prize boat, which blew up, together with twenty-four 
killed and four wounded. The bashaw being still 



404 WAR WITH TRIPOLI. 

determined to pursue his aggressions against the 
Americans, a third assault was determined upon. At 
two o'clock on the morning of the 24th, the work of 
death recommenced. The moon was shining with 
uncommon brightness, and all nature lay as though 
exhausted with the heat of the preceding day. The 
white buildings of the town, mellowed by the flood of 
light, seemed still and solitary as the regions of 
Arabian fairy land. Far away in the distance the 
palm trees drooped their graceful tops, and further 
still the mountains of Barbary seemed, Atlas-like, to 
be supporting the heavens. As the ships glided slowly 
into station, they seemed strange and unnatural ; in- 
truders into the sacred repose of so lovely a spectacle. 
But this hushed tranquillity, this peaceful repose of 
nature, was destined to a rude awakening. A single 
bomb burst faintly on the silence, swept across the 
starry arch, and dropped into the town. Another 
followed ; and then one tremendous roar burst along 
the startled fleet, lashing the waters into maddening 
surges, and stunning the air for miles around. Ranks 
of liquid fire blazed in every direction, and hundreds 
of flashing shot rushed through the void, toward the 
devoted town. Then a pause ; and then the terrible 
answer, crashing and plunging in and around the 
vessels, and throwing fountains of spray over the 
decks and rigging. Again the ships hurled forth their 
defiance, the batteries replying until intermission failed, 
and one uninterrupted uproar shook land and sea. 
The hours rolled dreadfully on ; but that death-work 
seemed endless ; and the sun had begun careering in 



BOMBARDMENT OF TRIPOLI. 405 

the east before the mad passions of man had ceased 
to struggle. 

This bombardment having been productive of little 
effect, a combined attack upon the town and bashaw's 
castle was soon after (August 28th) made. The gun- 
boats and smaller vessels anchored within, among the 
rocks of the harbour. Thirteen of the enemy's boats 
engaged eight of the Americans', when the Constitu- 
tion sailed by, ordered the latter to retire, and deli- 
vered a fire which sunk a Tripoli tan boat, drove two 
others on the rocks, and obliged the remainder to 
retire. The frigate then commenced a fierce attack 
upon the town and castle, continuing it for three-quar- 
ters of an hour, with considerable effect. The castle 
and two batteries were silenced, many houses destroy- 
ed, and some men killed. A boat of the Americans 
was sunk, a few men killed, and several badly wounded. 

On the 3d of September, the fifth and last bom- 
bardment of Tripoli took place. The action com- 
menced a little after three P. M., and soon became 
general. In about half an hour, the battle became 
divided ; a part of the fleet bombarding the town, 
and the remainder engaging the enemy's squadron. 
Taught by former experience, each party seemed to 
rely principally on manoeuvring, during which many 
of the vessels were so much injured as to be unfit for 
sailing. Yet, although the shipping suffered so mate- 
rially, not a man of the Americans was injured. The 
action closed at half past four. 

On the following day, took place the most terrible 
event of this fierce struggle. We allude to the 




LOSS OF THE INTREPID. 



inn 



FIE name of this ves- 
sel is associated 
with some of the 
most daring deeds 
of modern warfare ; 
her fate was in 
strange keeping 
with her repu- 
tation. 

On the evening 
of September 4th, she was despatched by Commodore 
Preble as a fire-ship, to explode among the enemy's 
cruisers. It was commanded by Captain Somers, 
and his second, Lieutenant Wadsworth, with ten 
other men. A deep mist had brooded over the 
water, and the stars were seen dim, as though half- 




LOSS OF THE INTREPID. 409 

extinguished. A gloom hung over the American 
seamen ; for those bold comrades whom they were 
sending forth were to return no more, unless they 
could escape un perceived from the enemy. The 
captain had declared his intention of exploding the 
vessel in case of being boarded by the Tripolitans ; 
and now those who knew his worth — who had stood 
by his side in danger as in prosperity — yearned over 
him with the honest sympathy of sailors. Pale with 
repressed anxiety, the commodore gave them his 
parting instructions, and the ketch swept forward 
through the water toward its object. 

The manner in which the fire-ship was prepared 
for her dreadful work, is thus described by Mr. 
Cooper, in his Naval History : 

"A small room or magazine had been planked 
up in the hold of the ketch, just forward of her 
principal mast. Communicating with this magazine 
was a trunk or tube, that led aft to another room 
filled with combustibles. In the planked room, or 
magazine, were placed one hundred barrels of gun- 
powder, in bulk ; and on the deck immediately above 
the powder, were laid fifteen thirteen and a half inch 
shells, and one hundred nine-inch shells, with a large 
quantity of shot, pieces of kentledge, and fragments 
of iron of different sorts. A train was laid in the 
trunk or tube, and fuses were attached in the proper 
manner. In addition to this arrangement, the other 
small room mentioned was filled with splinters and 
light wood ; which, besides firing the train, were to 
keep the enemy from boarding, as the flames would 
35 



410 WAR WITH TRIPOLI. 

be apt to induce them to apprehend an immediate 
explosion." 

And now the fearful voyage commenced. Slowly 
the canvas of the devoted craft receded into the 
distance, until she seemed like some shadowy spirit, 
strugo-ling and writhing with the darkness. Hearts 
that had swelled to the rigidity of iron, grew chilly 
and palpitating as the eye hung on the lessening 
folds ; and a strange restlessness, a solitary pang for 
the horrors of war, crossed each bosom. Decatur 
himself, who moved among the mighty as the 
mightiest, stood like a statue upon the deck, his eye 
peering through the darkness, and his noble form 
thrilling with intense feeling. Not a sound was heard ; 
nature seemed suspended. More and more faint the 
sails become, until only by turns are they revealed 
through the darkness. Sometimes a blast of wind 
strikes the water, heaves the vessel on its bosom, and 
displays her to the sight; then she suddenly sinks, 
and all is black. Now the spectators strain and lean 
from their stations, and pray for one more glance ; 
but still all is blackness. 

Suddenly every man started. A report cracked 
along the strung nerves ; a thick light gleamed 
through the night ; the enemy had opened their 
guns. Anxiety changed to agony. One ball would 
hurl the ketch and her crew into mangled atoms ; and 
how was such a catastrophe avoidable ? Battery 
after battery opened, glaring through the blackness, 
lashing the surges into fury with their iron showers, 
and filling the spectators with feelings unutterable. 
Now and then, by the help of one volcanic flash, the 



LOSS OF THE INTREPID. 411 

fearless sail would appear, careering in the jaws of 
death, like some white spirit of destruction. Time 
seemed standing still. Yet deeper, louder, more 
thrilling, the uproar swelled, until earth, sea, air — all 
nature — seemed battling in convulsions. Tripoli had 
never witnessed a night like that. 

Suddenly a column of massive fire, to which the 
united efforts of every battery seemed like the 
mockery of tapers, swept up to heaven, tossing the 
boiling ocean like a ball, and lighting the coast for 
leagues. Then a report, as if the elements were 
crashing with each other ; and every vessel shook 
like a leaf in autumn. After the first stunning blow, 
men gazed on each other in consternation ; the 
nerves shrunk and quivered, through fear of a repe- 
tition. There was no inquiry ; each knew — each felt 
the truth. Darkness, three-fold dense, succeeded ; 
every gun hushed, and stillness fell like a mountain 
upon every heart. Oh, the racking of that moment! 
The roar of cannon — the struggling of battle — would 
have been wild, sweet music, to the tortured system. 
A world of horror was crowded into every moment, 
and man ceased for a while to breathe. 

The Intrepid was but a name. The crew ! where 
were they ? After the first shock had subsided, the 
sailors leaped over the sides of the vessels, held up 
their lanterns, and placed their ears to the water to 
catch the dash of oars. How fearful was the pause ! 
None could resign hope — that crew could not be lost 
— they must meet once more with their comrades, 
and narrate the thrilling tale. Imagination swallowed 
up judgment ; and " I hear them — they are coming," 



412 



WAR WITH TRIPOLI, 



often warmed each bosom with joy. Then there was 
silence, and the watch was again renewed. Hope 
again died — time rolled on — the whole truth was 
being told. Their oars were never again heard. 
How that vessel exploded, none ever knew; the 
awful sublimity of her fate was not to be lessened by 
a disclosure of its cause. 

Not a single gun was fired after the explosion; 
both parties seemed bewildered ; and, for a few days, 
operations against the city were suspended. 





General Eaton . 



EXPEDITION OF GENERAL EATON. 




35 



N the African expedition, the 
Americans were not confined 
to naval operations. We 
have elsewhere remarked 
that the Tripolitan war was 
conducted with a chivalry 
i and display of personal da- 
f ring rarely equalled in mo- 
dern warfare. Its conclusion 
w r as the romantic expedition 



414 WAR WITH TRIPOLI. 

of General Eaton ; an appropriate closing for deeds 
of such remarkable intrepidity. 

Jussuf Carawalli, the Bashaw of Tripoli, during 
hostilities with the United States, was indebted for 
his eminence to a successful usurpation. Hamet, his 
elder brother, and the rightful heir, had fled from the 
dangers of his own country, and, after wandering in 
the desert for a long while, joined himself to the 
Egyptian Mamelukes. Among these he was sought 
and found by Mr. Eaton, American envoy to Tunis, 
who, having obtained consent of government, deter- 
mined to reinstate him. The proposal was favoured 
by the viceroy of Egypt, who permitted Hamet to 
pass from that kingdom, notwithstanding his con- 
nexion with the Mamelukes, with whom the govern- 
ment was at war. 

In company with the deposed prince, and a small 
party of adventurers from all nations, Mr. Eaton 
(under the title of general), commenced his march 
toward Tripoli. They crossed the desert of Barca 
from Alexandria, and in April, 1805, arrived before 
Derne. Having received arms and supplies from part 
of the fleet under Captain Hull, they attacked this 
place on the 27th, at two P. M. The adventurers 
advanced rapidly to the attack, and were received with 
spirit and firmness. An incessant roll of musketry 
was kept up for more than an hour, when Lieutenant 
O'Bannan and Mr. Mann stormed the principal work, 
hauling down the Tripolitan ensign, and, for the first 
time, hoisting that of our country on a fortress of the 
Old World. The whole town surrendered imme- 
diately after. Fourteen of the assailants were killed 



EATON'S EXPEDITION. 



415 



or wounded^ Eaton among the latter. They numbered 
twelve hundred, and their opponents three thousand. 

General Eaton was prevented from following up 
his victory by an attack on Tripoli, through want of 
supplies ; and, soon after, a permanent treaty between 
the two nations put an end to his spirited enterprise. 





General Harrison. 



BATTLE OF TIPPECANOE. 



UST about seven months before 
the United States declared 
war against Great Britain, the 
Northwestern Indians, stimu- 
lated to hostility by British 
agents, having assailed our 
i Northwestern frontier, General 
Harrison, then Governor of 
Indiana, was sent to chastise them. This he did ef- 
fectually, at the famous battle of Tippecanoe. The 
battle is thus described by McAffee in his history : 




BATTLE OF TIPPECANOE. 417 

On the evening of the 5th of November, the 
army encamped at the distance of nine or ten miles 
from the Prophet's Town. It was ascertained that the 
approach of the army had been discovered before it 
reached Pine Creek. The traces of reconnoitering 
parties were very often seen, but no Indians were 
discovered until the troops arrived within five or six 
miles of the town, on the 6th of November. The 
interpreters were then placed with the advanced 
guard, to endeavour to open a communication with 
them. The Indians would, however, return no answer 
to the invitations that were made to them for that 
purpose, but continued to insult our people by their 
gestures. Within about three miles of the town, the 
ground became broken by ravines and covered with 
timber. The utmost precaution became necessary, 
and every difficult pass was examined by the mounted 
riflemen before the army was permitted to enter it. 
The ground being unfit for the operation of the squad- 
ron of dragoons, they were thrown in the rear. 
Through the whole march, the precaution had been 
used of changing the disposition of the different 
corps, that each might have the ground best suited to 
its operations. 

Within about two miles of the town, the path de- 
scended a steep hill, at the bottom of which was a 
small creek running through a narrow wet prairie, 
and beyond this a level plain partially covered with 
oak timber, and without underbrush. Before the 
crossing of the creek, the woods were very thick and 
intersected by deep ravines. No place could be better 
calculated for the savages to attack with a prospect 

Dd 



418 INDIAN WAR. 

of success ; and the governor apprehended, that the 
moment the troops descended into the hollow, they 
would be attacked. A disposition was therefore made 
of the infantry to receive the enemy on the left and 
rear. A company of mounted riflemen was advanced 
a considerable distance from the left flank to check 
the approach of the enemy ; and the other two com- 
panies were directed to turn the enemy's flanks, should 
he attack in that direction. The dragoons were 
ordered to move rapidly from the rear, and occupy 
the plain in advance of the creek, to cover the crossing 
of the army from an attack in front. In this order 
the troops were passed over ; the dragoons were made 
to advance to give room to the infantry, and the latter, 
having crossed the creek, were formed to receive the 
enemy in front in one line, with a reserve of three 
companies — the dragoons flanked by mounted riflemen 
forming the first line. During all this time, Indians 
were frequently seen in front and on the flanks. The 
interpreters endeavoured in vain to bring them to a 
parley. Though sufficiently near to hear what was 
said to them, they would return no answer, but con- 
tinued by gestures to menace and insult those who 
addressed them. Being now arrived within a mile 
and a half of the town, and the situation being favour- 
able for an encampment, the governor determined to 
remain there and fortify his camp, until he could hear 
from the friendly chiefs, whom he had despatched 
from Fort Harrison, on the day he had left it, for the 
purpose of making another attempt to prevent the 
recurrence to hostilities. These chiefs were to have 
met him on the way, but no intelligence was yet 



BATTLE OF TIPPECANOE. 419 

received from them. Whilst he was engaged in 
tracing out the lines of the encampment, Major Da- 
viess and several other field-officers approached him, 
and urged the propriety of immediately marching upon 
the town. The governor answered that his instruc- 
tions would not justify his attacking the Indians, as 
long as there was a probability of their complying 
with the demands of the government, and that he still 
hoped to hear something in the course of the evening 
from the friendly Indians, whom he had despatched 
from Fort Harrison. 

To this it was observed, that as the Indians seen 
hovering about the army had been frequently invited 
to a parley by the interpreters, who had proceeded 
some distance from the lines for the purpose ; and as 
these overtures had universally been answered by 
menace and insult, it was very evident that it was 
their intention to fight ; that the troops were in high 
spirits and full of confidence; and that advantage 
ought to be taken of their ardour to lead them imme- 
diately to the enemy. To this the governor answered, 
that he was fully sensible of the eagerness of the 
troops ; and admitting the determined hostility of the 
Indians, and that their insolence was full evidence of 
their intention to fight, yet he knew them too well to 
believe that they would ever do this but by surprise, 
or on ground which was entirely favourable to their 
mode of fighting. He was therefore determined not 
to advance with the troops, until he knew precisely 
the situation of the town, and the ground adjacent to 
it, particularly that which intervened between it and 
the place where the army then was — that it was their 



420 INDIAN WAR. 

duty to fight when they came in contact with the 
enemy — it was his to take care that they should not 
engage in a situation where their valour would be use- 
less, and where a corps upon which he placed great 
reliance would be unable to act — that the experience 
of the last two hours ought to convince every officer, 
that no reliance should be placed upon the guides, as 
to the topography of the country — that, relying on 
their information, the troops had been led into a situ- 
ation so unfavourable, that but for the celerity with 
which they changed their position, a few Indians might 
have destroyed them : he was therefore determined 
not to advance to the town, until he had previously 
reconnoitred, either in person or by some one on 
whose judgment he could rely. Major Daviess im- 
mediately replied, that from the right of the position 
of the dragoons, which was still in front, the openings 
made by the low grounds of the Wabash could be 
seen ; that with his adjutant, D. Floyd, he had advanced 
to the bank, which descends to the low grounds, and 
had a fair view of the cultivated fields and the houses 
of the town ; and that the open woods, in which the 
troops then were, continued without interruption to 
the town. Upon this information, the governor said 
he would advance, provided he could get any proper 
person to go to the town with a flag. Captain T. Du- 
bois of Vincennes having offered his services, he was 
despatched with an interpreter to the prophet, desiring 
to know whether he would now comply with the terms 
that had been so often proposed to him. The army 
was moved slowly after, in order of battle. In a few 
moments a messenger came from Captain Dubois, 



BATTLE OF TIPPECANOE. 421 

informing the governor, that the Indians were near 
him in considerable numbers, but that they would 
return no answer to the interpreter, although they 
were sufficiently near to hear what was said to them, 
and that upon his advancing, they constantly endeav- 
oured to cut him off from the army. Governor Har- 
rison, deeming this last effort to open a negotiation, 
sufficient to show his wish for an accommodation, 
resolved no longer to hesitate in treating the Indians 
as enemies. He therefore recalled Captain Dubois, 
and moved on with a determination to attack them. 
He had not proceeded far, however, before he was met 
by three Indians, one of them a principal counsellor 
to the prophet. They were sent, they said, to know 
why the army was advancing upon them — that the 
prophet wished, if possible, to avoid hostilities ; that 
he had sent a pacific message by the Miami and Pota- 
watamie chiefs, who had come to him on the part of 
the governor — and that those chiefs had unfortunately 
gone down on the south side of the Wabash. 

A suspension of hostilities was accordingly agreed 
upon ; and a meeting was to take place the next day 
between Harrison and the chiefs, to agree upon the 
terms of peace. The governor further informed them 
that he would go on to the Wabash, and encamp 
there for the night. Upon marching a short distance 
further, he came in view of the town, which was seen 
at some distance up the river, upon a commanding 
eminence. Major Daviess and Adjutant Floyd had 
mistaken some scattering houses in the fields below, 
for the town itself. The ground below the town 
being unfavourable for an encampment, the- army 

36 



422 INDIAN WAR. 

marched on in the direction of the town, with a view 
to obtain a better situation beyond it. The troops 
were in an order of march, calculated, by a single 
conversion of companies, to form the order of battle 
which it had last assumed, the dragoons being in 
front. This corps, however, soon became entangled 
in ground covered with brush and tops of fallen trees. 
A halt was ordered, and Major Daviess directed to 
change position with Spencer's rifle corps, which 
occupied the open fields adjacent to the river. 

The Indians seeing this manoeuvre, at the approach 
of the troops towards the town, supposed that they 
intended to attack it, and immediately prepared for 
defence. Some of them sallied out, and called to the 
advanced corps to halt. The governor, upon this, 
rode forward, and requesting some of the Indians to 
come to him, assured them that nothing was further 
from his thoughts than to attack them — that the 
ground below the town on the river was not calculated 
for an encampment, and that it was his intention to 
search for a better one above. He asked if there was 
any other water convenient besides that which the 
river afforded ; and an Indian with whom he was well 
acquainted, answered, that the creek which had been 
crossed two miles back, ran through the prairie to the 
north of the village. A halt was then ordered, and 
some officers sent back to examine the creek, as well 
as the river above the town. In half an hour 
Brigade Major Marston Clarke, and Major Waller 
Taylor returned, and reported that they had found on 
the creek everything that could be desirable in an 
encampment — an elevated spot, nearly surrounded by 



BATTLE OF TIPPECANOE. 423 

an open prairie, with water convenient, and a suf- 
ficiency of wood for fuel. 

An idea was propagated by the enemies of Go- 
vernor Harrison, after the battle of Tippecanoe, that 
the Indians had forced him to encamp on a place chosen 
by them as suitable for the attack they intended. 
The place, however, was chosen by Majors Taylor and 
Clarke, after examining all the environs of the town ; 
and when the army of General Hopkins was there in 
the following year, they all united in the opinion, that 
a better spot to resist Indians was not to be found 
in the whole country. 

The army now marched to the place selected, and 
encamped, late in the evening, on a dry piece of 
ground, which rose about ten feet above the level of a 
marshy prairie in front towards the town, and about 
twice as high above a similar prairie in the rear; through 
which, near the bank, ran a small stream, clothed with 
willows and brushwood. On the left of the encamp- 
ment, this bench of land became wider ; on the right 
it gradually narrowed, and terminated in an abrupt 
point, about one hundred and fifty yards from the right 
flank. The two columns of infantry occupied the 
front and rear. The right flank being about eight 
yards wide, was filled with Captain Spencer's com- 
pany of eighty men. The left flank, about one hun- 
dred and fifty yards in extent, was composed of three 
companies of mounted riflemen, under General Wells, 
commanding as major. 

The front line was composed of one battalion of 
United States infantry, under Major Floyd, and a 
regiment of Indiana militia, under Colonel Bartholo- 



424 INDIAN WAR. 

mew. The rear line consisted of a battalion of Uni- 
ted States infantry, under Captain Baen, commanding 
as major, and four companies of Indiana volunteers, 
under Lieutenant-Colonel Decker. The right flank 
was composed of Spencer's company of Indiana vol- 
unteer riflemen ; the left flank of Robb's company of 
Indiana volunteers, and Guiger's, a mixed company of 
Kentucky and Indiana volunteers — a portion of Uni- 
ted States troops turning the left front, and left rear 
angles respectively. The cavalry under Major Da- 
viess were encamped in the rear of the front line, and 
left flank, and held in reserve as a disposable force. 
The encampment was not more than three-fourths of 
a mile from the Indian town. 

The order given to the army, in the event of a 
night attack, was for each corps to maintain its 
ground at all hazards till relieved. The dragoons 
were directed in such case to parade dismounted, with 
their swords on and their pistols in their belts, and to 
wait for orders. The guard for the night consisted 
of two captains' commands of twenty-four men and 
four non-commissioned officers; and two subalterns' 
guards of twenty men and non-commissioned officers 
— the whole under the command of a field-officer of 
the day. 

On the night of the 6th of November, the troops 
went to rest, as usual, with their clothes and accou- 
trements on, and their arms by their sides. The 
officers were ordered to sleep in the same manner, 
and it was the governor's invariable practice to be 
ready to mount his horse at a moment's warning. 
On the morning of the 7th, he arose at a quarter 



BATTLE OF TIPPECANOE. 



425 




Battle of Tippecanoe 



before four o'clock, and sat by the fire conversing with 
the gentlemen of his family, who were reclining on 
their blankets waiting for the signal, which in a few 
minutes would have been given, for the troops to turn 
out. The orderly drum had already been roused for 
the reveille. The moon had risen, but afforded little 
light, in consequence of being overshadowed by clouds, 
which occasionally discharged a drizzling rain. At 
this moment the attack commenced. 

The treacherous Indians had crept up so near the 
sentries as to hear them challenge when relieved. 
They intended to rush upon the sentries and kill them 
before they could fire ; but one of them discovered an 

36* 



426 INDIAN WAR. 

Indian creeping towards him in the grass, and fired 
This was immediately followed by the Indian yell, and 
a desperate charge upon the left flank. The guard in 
that quarter gave way, and abandoned their officer 
without making any resistance. Captain Barton's 
company of regulars, and Captain Guiger's company 
of mounted riflemen, forming the left angle of the 
rear line, received the first onset. The fire there was 
excessive ; but the troops who had lain on their arms 
were immediately prepared to receive, and had gal- 
lantry to resist the furious savage assailants. The 
manner of the attack was calculated to discourage 
and terrify the men ; yet as soon as they could be 
formed and posted, they maintained their ground with 
desperate valour, though but few of them had ever 
before been in battle. The fires of the camp were 
extinguished immediately, as the light they afforded 
was more serviceable to the Indians than to our men 
— except those opposite Barton's and Guiger's com- 
panies, which the suddenness of the attack left no 
time to put out. 

Upon the first alarm the governor mounted his 
horse, and proceeded towards the point of attack ; 
and, finding the line much weakened there, he ordered 
two companies from the centre of the rear line to 
march up, and form across the angle in the rear of 
Barton's and Guiger's companies. In passing through 
the camp towards the left of the front line, he met 
with Major Daviess, who informed him that the 
Indians, concealed behind some trees near the line, 
were annoying the troops very severely in that 
quarter, and requested permission to dislodge them. 






BATTLE OF TIPPECANOE. 427 

In attempting this exploit he fell, mortally wounded, 
as did Colonel Isaac White, of Indiana, who acted 
as a volunteer in his troop. 

In the mean time, the attack on Spencer's and 
Warwick's companies, on the right, became very 
severe. Captain Spencer and his lieutenants were all 
killed, and Captain Warwick was mortally wounded. 
The governor, in passing towards that flank, found 
Captain Rohb's company near the centre of the camp. 
They had been driven from their post; or, rather, 
had fallen back without orders. He led them to the 
aid of Captain Spencer, where they fought very 
bravely, having seventeen men killed during the 
battle. While the governor was leading this com- 
pany into action, Colonel Owen, his aid, was killed at 
his side. This gallant officer was mounted on a very 
white horse ; and, as the governor had ridden a gray 
on the day before, it is probable that Owen was 
mistaken for him, as it is certain that he was killed 
by one of the only Indians who broke through the 
lines, and who are supposed to have resolved to 
sacrifice themselves in an attempt to insure victory 
by killing the commander-in-chief. The governor 
happened not to be mounted on his own gray ; his 
servant had accidentally tied that animal apart from 
the other horses belonging to the general staff; and, 
in the confusion occasioned by the attack, not being 
able to find this horse as quickly as was desirable, the 
governor mounted another. 

Captain Prescott's company of United States 
infantry had filled up the vacancy caused by the 
retreat of Robb's company. Soon after Daviess was 



428 INDIAN WAR. 

wounded, Captain Snelling, by order of the governor, 
charged upon the same Indians, and dislodged them 
with considerable loss. The battle was now main- 
tained on all sides with desperate valour. The 
Indians advanced and retreated by a rattling noise 
made with deer-hoofs : they fought with enthusiasm, 
and seemed determined on victory or death. 

When the day dawned, Captain Snelling's com- 
pany, Captain Posey's under Lieutenant Allbright, 
Captain Scott's, and Captain Wilson's, were drawn 
from the rear, and formed on the left flank; while 
Cook's and Baen's companies were ordered to the 
right. General Wells was ordered to take command 
of the corps formed on the left, and, with the aid of 
some dragoons, who were now mounted, and com- 
manded by Lieutenant Wallace, to charge the enemy 
in that direction, which he did successfully — driving 
them into a swamp through which the cavalry could 
not pursue them. At the same time, Cook's and 
Lieutenant Larrabe's companies, with the aid of the 
riflemen and militia on the right flank, charged the 
Indians and put them to flight in that quarter, which 
terminated the battle. 





Constitution and Guerriere. 



CAPTURE OF THE GUERRIERE. 



HE first of the brilliant 
achievements of our navy 
in the late war, was the 
capture of the frigate Guer- 
riere by the frigate Consti- 
§11 tution, Captain Hull, which 
took place August 19, 1812. 
The most thrilling descrip- 
tion we have ever seen of this affair occurs in a 
modest little volume, published by the Appletons of 
New York, entitled, "Gallop among American Scenery, 
by A. E. Silliman.' , It is as follows : the author is 




430 SECOND WAR WITH ENGLAND. 

conversing with an old quartermaster, named Ken- 
nedy — 

' I had previously had the hint given me, that a little 
adroit management would set him to spinning a yarn 
which would suit my fancy. So, watching a good 
opportunity, knowing that the old man had been with 
Hull in his fight with the Guerriere, I successfully 
gave a kick to the ball by remarking, " You felt rather 
uncomfortable, Kennedy, did you not, as you were 
bearing down on the Guerriere, taking broadside and 
broadside from her, without returning a shot ? You 
had time to think of your sins, my good fellow, as 
conscience had you at the gangway ?" " Well, sir," 
replied he, deliberately rolling his tobacco from one 
side of his mouth to the other, squirting the juice 
through his front teeth with true nautical grace — 
"Well, sir, that ere was the first frigate action as 
ever I was engaged in, and I am free to confess, I 
overhauled the log of my conscience to see how it 
stood, so it mought be I was called to muster in the 
other world in a hurry ; but I don't think any of his 
shipmates will say that Old Bill Kennedy did his duty 
any the worse that day, because he thought of his 
God, as he has many a time since at quarters. 
There's them as says the chaplain is paid for the re- 
ligion of the ship, and it's none of the sailors' business ; 
but I never seen no harm in an honest seaman's think- 
ing for himself. Howdsomever, I don't know the man 
who can stand by his gun at such time, tackle cast 
loose, decks sanded, matches lighted, arm-chests 
thrown open, yards slung, marines in the gangways, 
powder-boys passing ammunition buckets, ship as still 



CONSTITUTION AND GUERRIERE. 431 

as death, officers in their iron-bound boarding-caps, 
cutlashes hanging by lanyards at their wrists, standing 
like statues at divisions, enemy may-be bearing down 
on the weather-quarter — I say, I does n't know the 
man at sich time, as won't take a fresh bite of his 
quid, and give a hitch to the waistbands of his trow- 
sers, as he takes a squint at the enemy through the 
port as he bears down. And as you say, at that par- 
ticular time the Guerriere (as is French for soger) 
was wearing and manoeuvring, and throwing her old 
iron into us, broadside and broadside, like as I have 
seen them Italians in Naples throw sugar-plums at 
each other in Carnival time. Afore she was through, 
though, she found it was no sugar-plum work, so far as 
Old Ironsides was consarned. You obsarve, when 
we first made her out, we seen she was a large ship 
close hauled on the starboard tack ; so we gave chase, 
and when within three miles of her, took in all our 
light sails, hauled courses up, beat to quarters, and got 
ready for action. She wore and manoeuvred for some 
time, endeavouring to rake, but not making it out, 
bore up under her jib, and topsails, and gallantly 
waited for us. Well, sir — as we walked down to her, 
there stands the old man, (Hull,) his swabs on his 
shoulders, dressed as fine in his yellow nankin vest 
and breeches, as if he was going ashore on leave — 
there he stands, one leg inside the hammock nettings, 
taking snuff out of his vest pockets, watching her 
manoeuvres, as she blazed away like a house a-fire, 
just as cool as if he was only receiving complimentary 
salutes. She burnt her brimstone, and was noisy — 
but never a gun fires we. Old Ironsides poked her 



432 SECOND WAR WITH ENGLAND. 

nose steady right down for her, carrying a bank of 
foam under her bows like a feather-bed cast loose. 
Well, as we neared her, and she wears first a-star- 
board. and then a-larboard, giving us a regular broad- 
side at every tack, her shot first falls short, but as we 
shortened the distance, some of them begins to come 
aboard — first among the rigging, and cuts away some 
of the stuff aloft, for them Englishmen did n't larn to 
fire low till we larnt "em. First they comes in aloft, 
but by-and-bye, in comes one — lower — crash — through 
the bulwarks, making the splinters fly like carpenter's 
chips — then another, taking a gouge out of the main- 
mast; and pretty soon again — i chit'' — I recollects the 
sound of that ere shot well — ' chit' — another dashed 
past my ear, and glancing on a gun-carriage, trips up 
the heels of three as good men as ever walked the 
decks of that ere ship ; and all this while, never a gun 
fires we ; but continues steadily eating our way right 
down on to his quarter, the old man standing in the 
hammock nettings, watching her movements as if she 
was merely playing for his amusement. Well, as we 
came within carronade distance, them shot was coming 
on board rather faster than mere fun, and some of the 
young sailors begins to grumble, and by-and-by, the 
old men-of-wars-men growled too, and worked rusty — 
cause why — they sees the enemy's mischief, and no- 
thing done by us to aggravate them in return. Says 
Bill Vinton, the vent-holder, to me, ' I say, Kennedy,' 
says he, ' what 's the use — if this here 's the way they 
fights frigates, dam'me ! but I'd rather be at it with 
the Turks agin, on their own decks, as we was at 
Tripoli. It *s like a Dutch bargain — all on one side. 



CONSTITUTION AND GUERRIERE. 433 

I expects the next thing, they '11 order pipe down, and 
man the side-ropes for that ere Englishman to come 
aboard and call the muster-roll.' ' Avast a bit,' says 
I ; ' never you fear the old man. No English press- 
gang comes on board this ship — old Blow-hard knows 
what he 's about.' 

" Well, by-and-bye, Mr. Morris, our first lieutenant, 
who all the while had been walking up and down 
the quarter-deck, his trumpet under his arm, and his 
eyes glistening like a school-boy's just let out to 
play ; by-and-bye he began to look sour, 'ticularly when 
he sees his favourite coxswain of the first cutter, car- 
ried by a shot through the opposite port. So he first 
looks hard at the old man, and then walks up to him, 
and says by way of a hint, in a low tone, ' The ship is 
ready for action, sir, and the men are getting im- 
patient ;' — the old man never turns, but keeps his eye 
steadily on the enemy, while he replies, ' Are — you — 
all ready, Mr. Morris ?' — ' All ready, sir,' — says the 
lieutenant — ' Don't fire a gun till I give the orders, 
Mr. Morris,' — says the old man. Presently up comes 
a midshipman from the main-deck, touches his hat — 
' First division all ready, sir, — the second lieutenant 
reports the enemy's shot have hurt his men, and he can 
with difficulty restrain them from returning their fire ;' 
— ' Tell him to wait for orders, Mr. Morris,' says the 
old man again — never turning his head. Well — just, 
you see, as the young gentleman turned to go below, 
and another shot carries off Mr. Bush, lieutenant of 
marines — just as we begins to run into their smoke, 
and even the old gun-boat men, as had been with De- 
catur and Somers, begins to stare, up jumps the old 

37 Ee 



434 SECOND WAR WITH ENGLAND. 

man in the air, slaps his hand on his thigh with a report 
like a pistol, and roars out in a voice that reached the 
gunners in the magazines — ' Now, Mr. 'Morris, give it 
to them, — now give it to them — fore and aft — round 
and grape — give it to 'em, sir, — give it to 'em,' and the 
words was scarce out of his mouth before our whole 
broadside glanced at half pistol-shot — the old ship 
trembling from her keel to her trucks, like an aspen, at 
the roar of her own batteries — instantly shooting ahead 
and doubling across his bows, we gave him the other 
with three cheers, and then at it we went — regular 
hammer and tongs. You would a thought you were 
in a thunder-storm in the tropics, from the continual 
roar and flash of the batteries. In ten minutes his 
mizenmast went by the board. ' Hurrah !' shouts the 
old man ; 'hurrah, boys, we've made a brig of her. — 
Fire low, never mind their top-hamper! hurrah ! we'll 
make a sloop of her before we've done.' In ten 
minutes more, over went her mainmast, carrying 
twenty men overboard as it went ; and sure enough, 
sir, in thirty minutes, that ere Englishman was a sheer 
hulk, smooth as a canoe, not a spar standing but his 
bowsprit; and his decks so completely swept by our 
grape and canister, that there was barely hands 
enough left to haul down the colours, as they had 
bravely nailed to the stump of their mainmast ' I 
say, Kennedy,' says the vent-holder, to me, lying 
across the gun after she struck, looking out at the 
wrack through the port, and his nose was as black as a 
nigger's from the powder flashing under it — ' I say, I 
wonder how that ere Englishman likes the smell of 
the old man's snuff.' " 




TRAGICAL AFFAIR OF AN INDIAN CHIEF. 



OR obvious reasons, we shall 
pass over, without any par- 
ticular notice, the leading 
operations on land of the 
war of LSI 2 with Great 
Britain. There is nothing 
very heroic or thrilling in the 
surrender of General Hull 
at Detroit, or in the abortive attempts to invade Canada, 
on the Niagara frontier. Our notices of this period 
will be chiefly confined to acts of individual bravery, 
or the operations of small bodies of men. The first 




436 SECOND WAR WITH ENGLAND. 

we shall notice is the tragical death of Logan, an 
Indian ally of the United States. 

Shortly after the expedition by General Tupper to 
the Miami Rapids, in 1812, a tragical adventure 
occurred in the left wing of the army, which merits 
to be minutely recorded. Captain James Logan, a 
Shawnee chief, by order of General Harrison, pro- 
ceeded with a small party of his tribe to reconnoitre 
in the direction of the Rapids. He met with a 
superior force of \he enemy near that place, by which 
he was so closely pursued that his men were obliged 
to disperse for safety in their retreat. Logan, with 
two of his companions, Captain John and Bright- 
Horn, arrived safe at General Winchester's camp, 
where he faithfully reported the incidents of the 
excursion. But there were certain persons in the 
army who suspected his fidelity, and reproached him 
with being friendly to the enemy, and with communi- 
cating intelligence to them. The noble spirit of Logan 
could not endure the ungenerous charge. With the 
sensibility of a genuine soldier, he felt that his honour 
and fidelity should not only be pure and firm, but 
unsuspected. He did not, however, demand a court 
of inquiry ; following the natural dictates of a bold 
and generous spirit, he determined to prove by 
unequivocal deeds of valour and fidelity, that he was 
calumniated by his accusers. 

On the 22d of November, he proceeded the second 
time, accompanied only by the two persons named 
above, firmly resolved either to bring in a prisoner or 
a scalp, or to perish himself in the attempt. When 
he had gone about ten miles down the north side of 



DEATH OF LOGAN. 437 

the Miami, he met with a British officer, the eldest 
son of Colonel Elliot, accompanied by five Indians. 
As the party was too strong for him, and he had no 
chance to escape, four of them being on horseback, 
he determined to pass them under the disguise of 
friendship for the British. He advanced with con- 
fident boldness, and a friendly deportment, to the 
enemy; but, unfortunately, one of them was Winemac, 
a celebrated Potawatamie chief, to whom the person 
and character of Captain Logan were perfectly well 
known. He persisted, however, in his first determi- 
nation, and told them he was going to the Rapids to 
give information to the British. After conversing 
some time, he proceeded on his way ; and Winemac, 
with all his companions, turned and went with him. 
As they travelled on together, Winemac and his 
party closely watched the others ; and, when they 
had proceeded about eight miles, he proposed to the 
British officer to seize and tie them. The officer 
replied, that they were completely in his power ; that 
if they attempted to run, they could be shot; or, 
failing in that, the horses could easily run them down. 
This consultation was overheard by Logan : he had 
previously intended to go on peaceably till night, and 
then make his escape ; but he now formed the bold 
design of extricating himself by a combat with double 
his number. 

Having signified his resolution to his men, he 
commenced the attack by shooting down Winemac 
himself. The action lasted till they had fired three 
rounds apiece, during which time Logan and his 
brave companions drove the enemy some distance, 

37* 



438 SECOND WAR WITH ENGLAND. 

and separated them from their horses. By the first 
fire, both Winemac and Elliot fell ; by the second a 
young Ottawa chief lost his life ; and another of the 
enemy was mortally wounded about the conclusion 
of the combat, at which time Logan himself, as he 
was stooping down, received a ball just below the 
breast-bone : it ranged downwards, and lodged under 
the skin on his back. In the mean time, Bright- 
Horn was also wounded, by a ball which passed 
through his thigh. As soon as Logan was shot, he 
ordered a retreat ; himself and Bright-Horn, wounded 
as they were, jumped on the horses of the enemy and 
rode to Winchester's camp, a distance of twenty 
miles, in five hours. Captain John, after taking the 
scalp of the Ottawa chief, also retreated in safety, 
and arrived at the camp next morning. 

Logan had now rescued his character, as a brave 
and faithful soldier, from the obloquy which had un- 
justly been thrown upon him. But he preserved his 
honour at the expense of the next best gift of Heaven 
— his life. His wound proved mortal. He lived two 
days in agony, which he bore with uncommon 
fortitude, and died with the utmost composure and 
resignation. " More firmness and consummate bravery 
has seldom appeared on the military theatre," says 
Winchester, in his letter to the commanding general. 
" He was buried with all the honours due to his rank, 
and with sorrow as sincerely and generally displayed 
as I ever witnessed," says Major Hardin, in a letter 
to Governor Shelby. His physiognomy was formed 
on the best model, and exhibited the strongest marks 
of courage, intelligence, good humour, and sincerity. 



DEATH OF LOGAN. 439 

It was said by the Indians that the British had 
offered one hundred and fifty dollars for his scalp. 
He had been very serviceable to our cause, by acting 
as a guide and a spy. He had gone with General 
Hull to Detroit, and with the first Kentucky troops, 
who marched to the relief of Fort Wayne. 

Captain Logan had been taken prisoner by General 
Logan, of Kentucky, in the year 1786, when he was 
a youth. The general, on parting with him, had 
given him his name, which he retained to the end of 
his life. Before the treaty of Greenville, he had dis- 
tinguished himself as a warrior, though still very 
young. His mother was a sister to the celebrated 
Tecumseh, and the Prophet. He stated, that in the 
summer preceding his death he had talked one whole 
night with Tecumseh, and endeavoured to persuade 
him to remain at peace; while Tecumseh, on the 
contrary, endeavoured to engage him in the war on 
the side of the British. His wife, when she was 
young, had also been taken prisoner, by Colonel 
Hardin, in 1789, and had remained in his family till 
the treaty of Greenville. In the army Logan had 
formed an attachment for Major Hardin, the son of 
the colonel, and son-in-law of General Logan, and now 
requested him to see that the money due for his 
services was faithfully paid to his family. He also 
requested that his family might be removed imme- 
diately to Kentucky, and his children educated and 
brought up in the manner of the white people. He 
observed that he had killed a great chief; that the 
hostile Indians knew where his family lived, and that 



440 SECOND WAR WITH ENGLAND. 

when he was gone a few base fellows might creep up 
and destroy them. 

Major Hardin having promised to do everything 
in his power to have the wishes of his friend fulfilled, 
immediately obtained permission from the general to 
proceed with Logan's little corps of Indians to the 
village of Wapoghconata, where his family resided. 
When they reached near the village, the scalp of the 
Ottawa chief was tied to a pole, to be carried in 
triumph to the council-house ; and Captain John, 
when they came in sight of the town, ordered the 
guns of the party to be fired in quick succession, 
on account of the death of Logan. A council of the 
chiefs was presently held, in which, after consulting 
two or three days, they decided against sending the 
family of their departed hero to Kentucky. They 
appeared, however, to be fully sensible of the loss 
they had sustained, and were sincerely grieved for 
his death, 





BATTLE AND MASSACRE AT THE RIVER RAISIN. 



ONG as our country has been 
exposed to savage warfare, 
no event in its history is 
more atrocious than the 
massacre of our people cap- 
tured by the British, at the 
river Raisin. On the even- 
ing of the 21st of January, 
1812, Colonel Proctor left Maiden with six hundred 
British and Canadians, and upwards of one thousand 
Indians under the chiefs Splitlog and Roundhead, and 
at day-break of the 22d, commenced a furious attack 
upon the Americans. The left wing of General 
Winchester's troops, amounting to six hundred, were 




442 SECOND WAR WITH ENGLAND. 

stationed within the pickets, formed in a half circle. 
The British artillery were in front, the Canadians and 
Indians on each flank. The right wing, consisting of 
one hundred and fifty men, were in an exposed situa- 
tion without the pickets. Large bodies of Indians 
were stationed in the rear to intercept a retreat. 

The onset was first made on the right wing, which, 
after sustaining an unequal contest for twenty minutes, 
broke and fled across the river ; here they fell in with 
a body of Indians, and w r ere nearly all massacred. 
Two companies of fifty men each, which went out 
from the pickets to their assistance, shared the same 
fate. General Winchester and Colonel Lewis, in 
attempting to rally them, and bring them to a more 
advantageous position, were made prisoners. The left 
wing maintained their position, and fought with dis- 
tinguished valour, against treble their number, until 
eleven o'clock ; when General Winchester, having no 
hopes of success or escape for this band, capitulated 
for them ; stipulating for their safety and honourable 
treatment as prisoners of war, and particularly that 
the wounded should be protected from the fury of the 
savages. Three hundred and ninety-seven were slain 
in battle, or afterwards massacred by the Indians; 
the remainder all taken prisoners. The British ac- 
knowledge a loss of only twenty-four killed, and one 
hundred and fifty-eight wounded. This, however, is 
altogether short of the real number, as they sustained 
a constant and heavy fire from the troops within the 
pickets, from seven to eleven o'clock in the forenoon. 
Sixty-four wounded Americans were left on the ground ; 
these, by the aid of the inhabitants, had mostly been 



MASSACRE AT RIVER RAISIN. 443 

removed into the neighbouring houses, and were ieft by 
the British with the promise that they should be trans- 
ported in sleighs to Maiden. 

On the morning of the 23d, a large body of In- 
dians came in, tomahawked and scalped these sufferers, 
then stripped them, plundered and set fire to the 
houses, and consumed the dead and dying in one 
undistinguished conflagration. The fate of Captain 
Hart was peculiarly distressing, though similar in 
many of its circumstances to a number of others. 
Early in the action he had received a wound in the 
knee, which prevented his walking. After the capitu- 
lation, Captain Elliott, an American in the British 
service, who had been a class-mate and a particular 
friend of Captain Hart, at Princeton College, came to 
him, voluntarily offered him his protection, and assured 
him he should be conveyed to Maiden, and taken care 
of in Elliott's house until he recovered. With these 
fair promises, he indulged the hope of speedy relief 
and recovery. But the next day he found himself in 
the hands of the savages. They tore him from the 
bed where he lay ; a brother officer rescued him, and 
conveyed him to another apartment. Here he was 
again assaulted. At length he bargained with one of 
the Indians for a hundred dollars to convey him to 
Maiden. They set off on horseback, and having 
travelled a few miles, were met by another band of 
savages, who claimed Captain Hart as their prisoner. 
The Indian not giving him up, the others shot and 
scalped him. Such of the wounded as were able to 
travel, the Indians carried off with them into the 
wilderness, and afterwards brought them into Detroit, 



444 SECOND WAR WITH ENGLAND. 

where they were ransomed and furnished with clothing 
by the inhabitants. Judge Woodward and Mr. 
M'Intosh, with other inhabitants of the Michigan ter- 
ritory, exerted themselves for the relief of the sufferers, 
and procured the release of all who survived of those 
who had been carried off by the Indians. General 
Harrison despatched Doctor M'Keehan with two 
attendants from Sandusky, to assist in dressing the 
wounded, with an open letter to General Winchester, 
a nag, and an address to Colonel Proctor, or any other 
British officer, stating his character and business, and 
furnished with money to procure necessaries. At the 
rapids of the Miami they entered a vacant house for a 
few hours' sleep, and left their flag hoisted in a sleigh 
at the door. They were soon fired upon by a party of 
Indians, one of the attendants killed, the doctor and 
the other made prisoners, and conveyed to Maiden, 
where they were treated as spies, put in close con- 
finement, and sent to Quebec; Proctor inhumanly 
remarking that the Indians were excellent doctors. 
The rites of sepulture were refused to the slain. On 
application to Colonel Proctor, for leave to bury the 
dead, he replied the Indians would not permit it. 
The few remaining wretched inhabitants privately 
buried Captain Hart and some others. This being 
discovered by the Indians, they were threatened with 
instant death if they buried any more ; and the 
mangled remains of the slain lay exposed in the fields, 
by the sides of the road, and in the woods, to the 
amount of upwards of two hundred, a prey to the wild 
beasts. Colonel Proctor seems to have permitted and 
even encouraged the barbarities of the Indians, to 



MASSACRE AT RIVER RAISIN. 445 

induce them to continue the war, and strike terror into 
the American forces that should be opposed to them. 
The effect, however, was the reverse of despondence. 
Though Kentucky was in mourning for the loss of 
many of her brave sons, yet, on the news of this event, 
new volunteers, in ample numbers, rallied around the 
standard of their country, and were eventually suc- 
cessful in avenging their losses. 

After the surrender of Detroit, General Brock, 
having committed the civil and military concerns of the 
Michigan territory to Colonel PrQctor, and appointed 
him commandant at Maiden, returned to the defence 
of the Niagara frontier, and established his head- 
quarters at Fort George. 




38 




*Mm4$M*':* 






~$m 



CAPTAIN HOLMES'S EXPEDITION. 




ARLY in the spring of 1813, a 
small force, consisting of about 
one hundred and eighty ran- 
gers and mounted infantry, 
under Captain Holmes, was 
Jjjjp despatched by Lieutenant-Co- 
lonel Butler, the commander 
at Detroit, against Delaware, 
a British post on the river 
Thames. This detachment had set out with artillery, 
but the state of the country presenting invincible 
obstacles in its transportation, it was left behind. By 
this means, and by sending back the sick to Detroit, 



HOLMES'S EXPEDITION. 447 

Holmes's little force was diminished to about one hun- 
dred and sixty men. 

On the 3d of March, intelligence was received that 
a body of the enemy, nearly double his force, was 
descending the Thames, one-half of whom were re- 
gulars, and the remainder militia and Indians. Holmes 
immediately retreated a few miles, and took an ex- 
cellent position on the western bank of a creek, which 
ran through a deep and wide ravine. Captain Gill 
was left, with a few rangers, to cover the rear, and 
watch the motions of the enemy ; but hardly had the 
main body encamped before they were joined by the 
rangers, who had been driven in after exchanging a 
few shots with the British advanced corps, in a vain 
attempt to reconnoitre their forces. 

During the night of the 3d, the British encamped 
upon the eastern height, and next morning succeeded 
in drawing Captain Holmes from his position by a 
well contrived stratagem, which, had it been skilfully 
followed up, could hardly have failed to eventuate in 
the destruction of the American detachment. For- 
tunately, however, this was not the case. At sunrise 
the enemy exhibited a small and scattered force on 
the opposite heights, who retreated after ineffectually 
firing at the American camp; and the reconnoitering 
party reported that the retreat was conducted with 
precipitation, the baggage left scattered on the road, 
and that, judging from their trail and fires, they could 
not exceed seventy men. Mortified at having retro- 
graded from this diminutive force, Holmes instantly 
commenced the pursuit, and resumed the idea of 
attacking the enemy's post. He had not, however, 



448 SECOND WAR WITH ENGLAND. 

proceeded beyond five miles, when his advance dis- 
covered the enemy in considerable force, arranging 
themselves for battle. 

The stratagem of the enemy being now apparent, 
Captain Holmes instantly took advantage of the blun- 
der which they had committed, in not throwing them- 
selves in his rear, and thus placing his detachment 
between a fortified position and a superior force ; and 
happily, he soon regained his former position. Here, 
placing his horses and baggage in the centre, he 
formed his troops on foot in a hollow square, to prevent 
the necessity of evolution, which such raw troops are 
incompetent to perform in action. Holmes thus calmly 
awaited the approach of the enemy, in defiance of 
the murmurs of his men, who were unanimously in 
favour of a retreat, thinking it madness to engage 
with so superior a force. 

The attack was commenced simultaneously on 
every front, the militia and Indians attacking the 
north, west, and south, with savage yells and bugles 
sounding, and the regulars charging from the ravine 
on the east. The latter bravely approached to within 
twenty paces of the American line, against the most 
destructive fire. But the front section being shot to 
pieces, those who followed much thinned and wounded, 
and many of the officers cut down, they were forced 
to abandon the charge, and take cover in the woods 
in diffused order, within from fifteen to thirty paces of 
their antagonists. The charge of the British regulars 
thus repulsed, they had recourse to their ammunition, 
and the firing increased on both sides with great 
vivacity. The American regulars, being uncovered, 



HOLMES'S EXPEDITION. 449 

were ordered to kneel, that the brow of the heights 
might assist in screening them from the view of the 
enemy. But the enemy's cover also proved insuffi- 
cient, a common-sized tree being unable to protect even 
one man from the extended line of Americans, much 
less the squads that often stood and breathed their 
last together. 

On the other three sides the firing was also sus- 
tained with much coolness, and with considerable loss 
to the foe. The troops on those sides being protected 
by logs hastily thrown together, and the enemy not 
charging, both the rifle and the musket were aimed 
at leisure, with that deadly certainty which dis- 
tinguishes the American backwoodsman. Unable to 
sustain so unequal a contest, therefore, and favoured 
by the shades of twilight, the British commenced a 
general retreat, after an hour's close and gallant 
conflict. 

Captain Holmes declined a pursuit, as the enemy 
were still superior both in numbers and discipline, 
and as the night would have insured success to an 
ambuscade. Besides, as the creek would have to be 
passed, and the heights ascended, the attempt to 
pursue would have given the enemy the same ad- 
vantage which produced their defeat, — as it could be 
passed on horseback at no other point, and the troops 
being fatigued and frost-bitten, and their shoes cut to 
pieces by the frozen ground, it was not possible to 
pursue on foot. Captain Holmes, accordingly, re- 
turned to Detroit. 

The American loss, in killed and wounded, on this 
occasion, amounted only to a non-commissioned 

38* 



450 SECOND WAR WITH ENGLAND. 

officer and six privates. The British official account 
states their loss at fourteen killed, fifty-one wounded, 
one missing, and one officer wounded and taken. 
Two of the officers were killed, and the same number 
wounded. The statement does not include the loss 
of the Indians. The whole American force in action 
consisted of one hundred and fifty rank and file, of 
whom, including the rangers, seventy were militia. 
The British regulars were from one hundred and fifty 
to one hundred and eighty strong, and the militia and 
Indians fought upon three sides of the square. 





CAPTURE OF THE CALEDONIA AND DETROIT. 




HIS gallant achievement of 
Lieutenant (afterwards Com- 
modore) Elliot, is thus de- 
scribed in his official letter to 
the Secretary of the Navy, 
dated October 9th, 1812 : 

"Sir: I have the honour 
to inform you, that on the 
morning of the 8th instant, 
two British vessels, which I 
was informed were his Bri- 



452 SECOND WAR WITH ENGLAND. 

tannic majesty's brig Detroit, late the United States 
brig Adams, and the brig Hunter, mounting fourteen 
guns, but which afterwards proved to be the brig 
Caledonia, both said to be well armed and manned, 
came down the lake, and anchored under protection 
of Fort Erie. Having been on the lines for some time, 
and, in a measure, inactively employed, I determined 
to make an attack, and, if possible, get possession of 
them. A strong inducement to this attempt arose 
from a conviction that, with two vessels added to 
those which I have purchased, and am fitting out, I 
should be able to meet the remainder of the British 
force on the upper lakes, and save an incalculable 
expense and labour to the government. On the morn- 
ing of their arrival, I heard that our seamen were but 
a short distance from this place, and immediately 
despatched an express to the officers, directing them 
to use all possible despatch in getting the men to this 
place, as I had important service to perform. On 
their arrival, which was about twelve o'clock, I dis- 
covered that they had only about twenty pistols, and 
neither cutlasses nor battle-axes ; but on application 
to Generals Smyth and Hall, of the regulars and 
militia, I was supplied with a few arms ; and General 
Smyth was so good, on my request, as immediately 
to detach fifty men from the regulars, armed with 
muskets. By four o'clock in the afternoon, I had my 
men selected and stationed in two boats, which I had 
previously prepared for the purpose. With those 
boats, fifty men in each, and under circumstances very 
disadvantageous, my men having had scarcely time 
to refresh themselves, after a fatiguing march of five 



CAPTURE. OF THE BRITISH BRIGS. 453 

hundred miles, I put off from the mouth of Buffalo 
Creek, at one o'clock the following morning, and 
at three I was alongside the vessels. In about ten 
minutes I had the prisoners all secured, and the top- 
sails sheeted home, and the vessels under way. 

"Unfortunately the wind was not sufficiently strong 
to get me up against a rapid current into the lake, 
where I understood another armed vessel lay at 
anchor ; and I was obliged to run down the river by 
the forts, under a heavy fire of round, grape, and 
canister, from a number of pieces of heavy ordnance, 
and several pieces of flying artillery, and was com- 
pelled to anchor at a distance of about four hundred 
yards from two of their batteries. After the discharge 
of the first gun, which was from the flying artillery, 
I hailed the shore, and observed to the officer that if 
another gun was fired I would bring the prisoners on 
deck and expose them to the same fate we should all 
share ; but, notwithstanding, they disregarded the 
caution, and continued a constant and destructive 
fire. One single moment's reflection determined me 
not to commit an act that would subject me to the 
imputation of barbarity. 

" The Caledonia had been breached in as safe a 
position as the circumstances would admit of, under 
one of our batteries at Black Rock. I now brought 
all the guns of the Detroit on the side next the 
enemy, stationed the men at them, and directed a *■ 
fire, which was continued as long as our ammunition 
lasted and circumstances permitted. During the 
contest I endeavoured to get the Detroit on our side, 
by sending a boat (there being no wind) on shore, 



454 SECOND WAR WITH ENGLAND. 

with all the line I could muster ; but the current 
beino; so strong that the boat could not reach the 
shore, I hailed our shore, and requested that warps 
should be made on the land and sent on board ; the 
attempt to all which again proved useless, as the fire 
was such as would in all probability sink the vessel 
in a short time. I determined to drop down the river 
out of reach of the batteries, and make a stand 
against the flying artillery. I accordingly cut the 
cable and made sail, with very light airs ; and, at that 
instant, discovered that the pilot had abandoned me. 
I dropped astern for about ten minutes, when I was 
brought up on our shore on Squaw Island ; got the 
boarding-boat ready, had all the prisoners put in and 
sent on shore, with directions for the officer to return 
for me and what property we could get from the brig. 
He did not return, owing to the difficulty of the boats 
getting on shore. Discovering a skiff under the 
counter, I sent the four remaining prisoners in the 
boat, and with my officer I went on shore to bring 
the boat off. I asked for protection of the brig of 
Lieutenant-Colonel Scott, who readily gave it. At 
this moment I discovered a boat with about forty 
soldiers from the British side, making for the brig. 
They got on board, but were soon compelled to 
abandon her, with the loss of nearly all their men. 
During the whole of this morning, both sides of the 
river kept up alternately a constant fire on the brig, 
and so much injured her that it was impossible to 
have floated her. Before I left her she had received 
twelve shot of large size in her bends, her sails in 
ribbons, and her rigging all cut to pieces. 



CAPTURE OF THE BRITISH BRIGS, 455 

" To my officers and men I feel under great obliga- 
tions; to Captain Towson and Lieutenant Roach, of 
the 2d regiment of artillery, Ensign Priestman, of the 
infantry, to Cornelius Chapin, Mr. John M'Coub, 
Messrs. John Tower, Thomas Davis, Peter Overtaks, 
James Sloan, resident gentlemen of Buffalo, for their 
soldier and sailor-like conduct ; in a word, every man 
fought with his heart animated only by the interest 
and honour of his country. The prisoners I have 
turned over to the military. The Detroit had six six- 
pound long guns, a commanding lieutenant of marines, 
a boatswain and gunner, and fifty-six men, about 
thirty American prisoners on board, muskets, pistols, 
and battle-axes ; in boarding her I lost one man, one 
officer wounded, Mr. John C. Cummings, acting mid- 
shipman, a bayonet through the leg ; his conduct was 
correct, and deserves the notice of the department. 
The Caledonia mounted two small guns, blunderbusses, 
pistols, muskets, cutlasses, boarding- pikes, twelve men, 
including officers, and ten prisoners on board ; the boat 
boarding her was commanded by sailing-master George 
Watts, who performed his duty in a masterly style ; he 
had but one man killed, and four badly wounded, I am 
afraid mortally. I enclose you a list of the officers and 
men engaged in the enterprise, and also a view of the 
lake and river, in the different situations of attack. The 
Caledonia belonged to the N. W. Company, laden 
with furs, worth, I understand, two thousand dollars. 
« Signed— JESSE D. ELLIOTT. 

"Hon. Paul Hamilton, 

"Secretary of the Navy" 




Commodore Jones. 



THE WASP AND FROLIC. 




ATER achievements of our navy, 
on a large scale, have not been 
sufficient to efface the recollec- 
tion of the brilliant action of 
pthe United States sloop-of-war 
~ Wasp, under the command of 
Captain Jones, and the British 
sloop-of-war Frolic. 



THE WASP AND FROLIC. 457 

In 1811, Captain Jones was transferred by the 
Secretary of the Navy to the command of the sloop- 
of-war the Wasp, mounting eighteen twenty-four- 
pound carronades, and was despatched, in the spring 
of 1812, with communications from our government 
to its functionaries at the courts of St. Cloud and St. 
James. Before he returned from this voyage, war 
had been declared by the United States against Great 
Britain. Captain Jones refitted his ship with all 
possible despatch, and repaired to sea on a cruise, in 
which he met with no other luck than the capture of 
an inconsiderable prize. 

He sailed from the port of Philadelphia on the 13th 
of October, 1812, with a gallant set of officers, and a 
high-spirited and confident crew. On the 16th of the 
same month the Wasp encountered a heavy gale, during 
which she lost her jibboom and two valuable seamen. 
On the following night, being a bright moonlight, a 
seaman on the look-out discovered five strange sail, 
steering eastward. The Wasp hauled to the wind- 
ward and closely watched the movements of these 
vessels until daylight next morning, being the 18th, 
when it was found that they were six large merchant 
vessels under convoy of a sloop-of-war. The former 
were well manned, two of them mounting sixteen 
guns each. 

Notwithstanding the apparent disparity of force, 
Captain Jones determined to hazard an attack ; and, 
as the weather was boisterous, and the swell of the 
sea unusually high, he ordered down the topgallant 
yards, closely reefed the topsails, and prepared for 
action. The convoy sailed ahead and lay to, five or 
39 



458 SECOND WAR WITH ENGLAND. 

six miles distant, while the sloop-of-war, with Spanish 
colours flying, remained under easy sail, the Wasp 
coming down to windward on her larboard side, 
within pistol-shot, displaying the American ensign and 
pennant. Upon the enemy's being hailed, he hauled 
down the Spanish flag, hoisted the British ensign, and 
opened a broadside of cannon and musketry. The 
fire was promptly returned by the Wasp, the vessels 
gradually neared each other, and each maintained the 
combat with great animation, the English vessel firing 
with most rapidity, but, as the result proved, with no 
great precision. In a few minutes after the com- 
mencement of the action, the maintopmast of the 
Wasp was shot away, and falling on the topsail yard, 
across the larboard fore and foretopsail braces, caused 
the head yards to be unmanageable during the con- 
tinuance of the action. In two or three minutes 
more the gaft and mizen topgallant sail were shot 
away. Each vessel continued in the position in which 
the action commenced, and maintained a close and 
spirited fire. Captain Jones directed his officers not 
to fire except when the vessel rolled downwards, so 
that the shot was either poured on the enemy's deck, 
or below it, while the English fired as soon as they 
had loaded, without regard to the position of their 
vessel, and thus their balls were either thrown away, 
or passed through the rigging. The Wasp now passed 
ahead of the enemy, raked her, and resumed her 
original position. It was now obvious that the Wasp 
had greatly the advantage in the combat, and Captain 
Jones thought the contest might be speedily decided 
by boarding, but hesitated because the roughness of 



THE WASP AND FROLIC. 



459 




Wasp and Frol i c . 



the sea might endanger the safety of both vessels if 
brought in contact. As, however, the braces and 
rigging of the Wasp were so injured by the shot of 
the enemy that he was fearful his masts, being unsup- 
ported, would go by the board, and that the enemy 
might escape ; he therefore determined at all hazards 
to board, and thus decide the contest. With this 
determination he wore ship, and ran athwart the enemy's 
bow, so that the jibboom came in between the main 
and mizen rigging of the Wasp. The enemy was now 
in a position so inviting for a raking broadside, that 
one was promptly ordered. So closely in contact 
were the contending vessels, that while loading, the 



460 SECOND WAR WITH ENGLAND. 

rammers of the Wasp struck against the sides of 
the opposing vessel, so that two of the guns of the 
former entered through the bow ports of the latter, and 
swept the whole length of the deck. At this juncture 
a sprightly and gallant seaman, named Jack Lang, 
who had once been impressed on board a British man- 
of-war, jumped on a gun with his cutlass, and was 
about to leap on board the enemy, when Captain 
Jones ordered him back, wishing to give a closing 
broadside before boarding. His impetuosity, however, 
could not be restrained ; and observing the ardour of 
the crew generally, Lieutenant Biddle and Booth gal- 
lantly led them on, but to their great surprise, when 
they reached the enemy's deck, not a single uninjured 
individual was found on deck except the seaman at 
the wheel, and three officers. The deck was covered 
with the dying and dead, and was slippery with blood. 
When Lieutenant Biddle reached the quarterdeck, the 
commander and two other officers threw down their 
swords, and made an inclination of their bodies, thus 
affording evidence that they had surrendered. 

During the early part of the action, the ensign of 
the enemy had been shot down, upon which a British 
seaman carried it aloft again and nailed it to the mast. 
In this state it continued floating, they not being able 
to lower it until one of the United States officers 
ascended the rigging and tore it from its attachments. 
In forty-three minutes from the commencement of the 
action, full possession was taken of the enemy, which 
proved to be his Britannic Majesty's sloop-of-war 
Frolic, commanded by Captain Whynyates. 

On examining the berthdeck, it was found crowded 



THE WASP AND FROLIC. 461 

with the dead and wounded, there being but an incon- 
siderable proportion of the crew of the Frolic which 
had escaped unhurt. Soon after Lieutenant Biddle 
took possession of the enemy, her masts fell by the 
board, so that she lay a complete wreck. The contest 
being now terminated, Captain Jones ordered Dr. New, 
the assistant surgeon of the Wasp, to visit the wounded 
enemy, and to carry with him everything on board, 
which could in any manner contribute to their comfort. 

The force of the Frolic consisted of sixteen thirty- 
two-pound carronades, four twelve-pounders on the 
maindeck, and two twelve-pound carronades. She 
was, therefore, superior to the Wasp by four twelve- 
pounders. The officers of the Frolic stated that the 
number of men on the ship's books was one hundred 
and ten ; but, as boats were seen plying between the 
Frolic and some of the convoy, in the morning, before 
the action, it was believed that she received many 
volunteers in addition to her regular crew. This 
belief was strengthened by the circumstance, that one 
of the vessels in the convoy came alongside the Wasp 
next morning after her capture, and asked assistance 
to reef his sails, as he had but two men and a boy on 
board. It was intimated that he had thus diminished 
his crew by allowing volunteers to go on board the 
Frolic. 

The officers, seamen, marines, and boys on board 
the Wasp, numbered one hundred and thirty-five; 
which, from the best information that could be ob- 
tained, was less in number than that of the enemy. 
Both vessels, however, had more men than was es- 
sential to their efficiency ; and the officers of the Frolic 

39* 



462 SECOND WAR WITH ENGLAND. 

candidly acknowledged, that they had more men than 
they knew what to do with. It appears, therefore, 
that while there was an equality of strength in the 
crews, there was an inequality in the number of guns 
and weight of metal — the Frolic having four twelve- 
pounders more than the Wasp. 

The exact number of killed and wounded on board 
the Frolic, could not be ascertained with any degree 
of precision ; but, from the admissions of the British 
officers, it was supposed that the number killed was 
about thirty, including two officers ; and of those 
wounded, between forty and fifty. The captain and 
every other officer on board, were more or less 
severely wounded. The Wasp sustained a loss of 
only five men killed and five wounded. 





Lieutenant Allen. 



GALLANT CONDUCT OF LIEUTENANT ALLEN AT 
THE CAPTURE OF THE MACEDONIAN. 




HORTLY after the declaration 
of war against Great Britain, in 
1812, the frigate United States 
sailed upon a cruise, under the 
command of Commodore Deca- 
tur, and on the 25th of October, 
1812, in latitude 29° N., longi- 
tude 29° 3(y W., fell in with his 



464 SECOND WAR WITH ENGLAND. 

Britannic Majesty's ship, the Macedonian, commanded 
by Captain Carden. She was a frigate of the largest 
class, mounting forty-nine carriage guns, and reputed 
one of the swiftest sailers in the British navy. When 
this frigate first hove in sight, and while orders were 
given on board the United .States to prepare for 
action, Lieutenant Allen mounted aloft; and, after 
watching her closely for some time, at length dis- 
covered the English pennant. He descended to his 
comrades, who were impatiently awaiting him below, 
and jocosely pronounced the frigate a lawful prize. 
The enemy having the advantage of the wind, fought 
at his own distance, and the contest was kept up for 
one hour and fifty minutes. The United States 
poured such an incessant fire, that the shouts from 
the crew of the Macedonian were distinctly heard, 
who, from that cause, apprehended her to be in flames. 
Her colours were, nevertheless, hauled down shortly 
afterwards. In the engagement, she lost her mizen- 
mast, fore and maintopmast, and mainyard. She 
was likewise much damaged in her hull. Thirty-six 
were killed and forty-eight wounded. On board the 
United States five only were killed, and seven 
wounded. The American frigate received so little 
damage in this engagement, that she would still have 
continued her cruise, had it not been necessary for 
her to accompany her prize into port, on account of 
the crippled state of the British frigate. Any com- 
ments on this splendid action — an action so glorious 
to the arms of our countrymen — would surely now 
be needless. 

In the frigate United States, Lieutenant Allen was 



LIEUTENANT ALLEN. 465 

most assiduous in exercising and training the crew to 
the use of the artillery. The accuracy with which 
the guns were directed, and the celerity with which 
they could be fired, evince the improvement of their 
discipline ; and, indeed, it could not be surpassed. 
After Captain Carden had gone on board the United 
States, Lieutenant Allen requested the other officers 
to go in a boat which was ready for them. The first 
lieutenant of the Macedonian surlily said, " You do 
not intend to send me away without my baggage ?" 

" I hope," replied Allen, " you do not suppose you 
have been taken by privateersmen?" 

" I do not know" — replied the other rudely — " by 
whom I am taken." 

Lieutenant Allen sternly ordered him instantly into 
the boat, and he immediately went. Lieutenant Allen 
placed a guard over the baggage of the officers, and, 
as soon as the other duties which demanded his at- 
tention were concluded, he sent the same day all the 
baggage on board the United States. The surgeon 
of the Macedonian continued on board; and he fre- 
quently, in conversation, bore testimony to the kind- 
ness of Lieutenant Allen, toward that part of the crew 
remaining in the Macedonian, particularly toward the 
wounded. The wardroom officers of the Macedonian 
expressed to the wardroom officers of the United 
States, a deep sense of the civilities which they had 
received ; and wished to give jointly another expres- 
sion of their gratitude, in a writing which might be 
considered as a letter to all British officers, to secure 
their good treatment, in case the United States should 



466 SECOND WAR WITH ENGLAND. 

be captured. This certificate of protection was very 
properly declined. 

To Lieutenant Allen was intrusted the honourable 
charge of bringing the prize into port, and she safely 
arrived in the harbour of New York, amidst the 
enthusiastic gratulations of our countrymen. His 
share in this glorious action cannot be better ex- 
pressed than in the words of Commodore Decatur 
himself: " It would be unjust," continues this gallant 
officer, " it would be unjust in me to discriminate, 
where all met my fullest expectations. Permit me, 
however, to recommend to the particular notice of 
the Secretary, my first lieutenant, William H. Allen, 
who has served with me upwards of five years ; and to 
his unremitted exertions, in disciplining the crew, is 
to be imputed the obvious superiority of our gunnery, 
lexhibited in the result of this contest." 

The corporation and citizens of New York honoured 
him and his commander with a splendid and superb 
festival ; and the legislatures of Rhode Island and 
Virginia presented him with a sword, as a testimonial 
of their sense of his gallant services. There was 
everything in this victory, which could gratify the 
pride of an American. The individual injury done to 
our enemy by the loss of a frigate, or the advantage 
to ourselves, by acquiring one, is nothing. It in- 
spires a loftiness of feeling, a confidence, that is 
communicated to other souls, and introduces a strain 
of patriotic sensations perfectly novel. It breaks 
the sea-spell that seemed to surround the navy of 
England. 




Commodore Bainbridge. 



CAPTURE AND DESTRUCTION OF THE JAVA. 




ONG before the commence- 
ment of the last war with 
Great Britain, Commodore 
s|£f Bainbridge had established 
the highest character for 
bravery and ability as a 
naval commander. 

The United States de- 



468 SECOND WAR WITH ENGLAND. 

clared war against Great Britain on the 18th of June, 
1812, and Commodore Bainbridge was not satisfied 
to remain on shore, comparatively inactive, when 
danger and glory were to be courted on the sea. He 
applied for the command of a frigate, and was ap- 
pointed to the Constellation thirty-eight, with orders 
to prepare her for sea with all despatch. His arrange- 
ments were not yet completed, when Captain Hull 
arrived in Boston with the Constitution, after achieving 
his splendid victory over the Guerriere. As Hull 
was obliged to resign his command, on account of 
some private affairs which required his immediate 
attention, Bainbridge requested to be transferred to 
his frigate. This request was complied with, and 
the Essex and Hornet being also placed under his 
orders at the same time, he hoisted his broad pennant 
on board the Constitution, September 15, 1812. 

The Essex, then in the Delaware, was ordered to 
rendezvous at the Cape de Verde Isles ; but she was 
prevented by the events of the cruise from joining the 
rest of the squadron. The Constitution and Hornet 
sailed on the 26th October, and arrived off St. Sal- 
vador on the 13th December. On the 29th, in lati- 
tude 13° 6' S, and about ten leagues from the 
coast of Brazil, the Constitution fell in with an 
enemy's frigate, the Java, bound for the East Indies, 
with a number of supernumerary officers and seamen 
for the Bombay station. The commodore, finding 
the frigate fairly within his reach, prepared with 
alacrity for action. The stranger showed English 
colours, and bore down with the intention of raking 
the Constitution. Bainbridge avoided this, and the 



CAPTURE OF THE JAVA. 469 

enemy having hauled down colours, and left flying a 
jack only, the commodore gave orders to fire ahead 
of the enemy to make him show full colours. This 
was returned with a full broadside, and a general 
action commenced, both ships striving to rake and to 
avoid being raked. 

Soon after the commencement of the action, Bain- 
bridge received a ball in the hip ; and a few minutes 
later a shot carried away the wheel, and drove a small 
bolt with violence into his thigh. These injuries did 
not induce him to sit down, and he continued on deck, 
giving orders, until eleven o'clock at night. The 
action lasted an hour and fifty-five minutes, when the 
enemy struck her flag, and the American commodore 
sent Lieutenant Parker to take possession. The 
Java was commanded by Captain Lambert, a distin- 
guished officer, who was mortally wounded, and died 
a few days after the battle. The enemy's loss was 
not less than sixty killed and one hundred wounded. 
The Constitution lost nine killed, and twenty-five 
wounded. The two vessels presented a striking con- 
trast in appearance, at the close of the action ; the 
Constitution " actually coming out of the battle as 
she had gone into it, with royal-yards across, and 
every spar, from the highest to the lowest, in its 
place," though some of them were considerably in- 
jured ; while the Java lay upon the water an unma- 
nageable wreck, with every spar shot away, and but a 
few stumps left standing. Bainbridge displayed great 
kindness in the treatment of his prisoners ; and, having 
destroyed his prize, he landed his captives at St. 
Salvador, on parole of honour not to engage in hos- 
tilities against the United States, until exchanged. 
40 




> o r 1 1 e from Fort Meij 



SIEGE OF FORT MEIGS. 




PON the 23d of January, 1813, 
the day after the unfortunate, 
surrender of General Win- 
chester to the British, General 
Harrison retreated to Carrying 
river, about midway between 
Sandusky and the Miami. In 
February, he advanced again 
to the Rapids, where he erected a fort, which, in 
honour of the governor of Ohio, he called Fort 
Meigs. It covered about nine acres of ground, and 
was nearly in an octagonal form. It had strong 



SIEGE OF FORT MEIGS. 471 

block-houses at the corners, with cannon mounted so 
as to sweep the lines, and command the surrounding 
country. The intervals were filled up with picketings 
in the usual style of the frontier forts of the west. 
In addition to this there were several long batteries 
mounted with cannon. 

The term of service of many of Harrison's volun- 
teers having expired, twelve hundred men from Ken- 
tucky, under General Clay, were sent to supply their 
place. Leaving Cincinnati early in April, they arrived 
in the neighbourhood of Fort Meigs on the 4th of 
May, when their scouts brought intelligence that the 
woods were swarming with an immense force of Bri- 
tish and Indians under General Proctor, who was 
holding Harrison under close siege in the fort. The 
siege had already lasted four days ; but Clay had the 
address to convey intelligence of his approach to 
Harrison, and to concert with him a plan for striking 
a severe blow on the enemy. 

General Clay proceeded down the river in his boats, 
landed eight hundred men on the left bank of the river, 
advanced rapidly, and made a dash at the enemy's bat- 
teries. Taken wholly by surprise, the British never- 
theless resisted with their usual valour, but the impetu- 
osity of the Kentuckians carried everything before 
them ; the cannoneers were bayoneted at their guns — 
the batteries were carried, and the guns spiked. But the 
ardour of the men, inspirited by this brilliant success, 
carried them too far. Instead of recrossing the river, 
as they should have done, they pursued the flying 
enemy into the woods, and were soon surrounded by 
the whole force of the British and Indians. A con- 



472 



SECOND WAR WITH ENGLAND. 



siderable part of the detachment were overpowered, 
and became prisoners. Abandoned by the barbarian 
Proctor to the tomahawks of the savages, they were 
rapidly falling victims to their ferocity, when Tecum- 
seh, the great Indian chief, coming suddenly upon the 
ground, with a trait of humanity of which the British 
commander was incapable, instantly exerted his autho- 
rity to arrest the massacre, and meeting with a Chip- 
pewa chief who would not desist for persuasion nor 
threats, he buried his tomahawk in his head. 

Notwithstanding the unfortunate issue of this part 
of General Clay's operations, the remainder of his 
reinforcement, aided by a well conducted sortie on 
the part of the besieged, succeeded in relieving the 
fort ; and Proctor, being deserted by the Indians, who 
could not be prevented from returning to their villages, 
as is their custom after any battle of consequence, 
with their prisoners and plunder, made a precipitate 
retreat on the 9th of May, having previously secured 
his ordnance on board a sloop. 





General. Pike. 



CAPTURE OF YORK AND DEATH OF GENERAL 

PIKE. 



<z^M 



40 



EEPING up their system of petty 
incursions on the border towns, on 
the morning of the 22d of Feb- 
ruary, 1813, the British crossed 
over in considerable force, and 
succeeded in capturing Ogdens- 
burg, on the St. Lawrence. Cap- 
tain Forsythe, the American commander at 
that place, with a force of less than half that 
of the British, effected his retreat to Black 




474 SECOND WAR WITH ENGLAND. 

Lake, in a masterly manner. Considerable alarm for 
the safety of Sackett's Harbour was excited by this 
event, and immediate measures were taken for re- 
inforcing it. No attempts were made, however, at 
further conquest. The British shortly after retired 
across the St. Lawrence. 

The ice having disappeared in Lake Ontario about 
the middle of April, the lookout-boat Growler sailed 
from Sackett's Harbour on the 19th, to reconnoitre 
the lake, and immediately preparations were made for 
an embarkation of troops for the invasion of Canada. 
The troops, to the number of seventeen hundred, 
under the command of General Dearborn, were em- 
barked by the 23d ; but the weather proving stormy, 
the fleet did not sail until the 25th. 

On the morning of the 27th they arrived off York, 
the capital of Upper Canada ; and, the fleet having 
taken a position to the south and westward of the 
principal fort, and as near the shore as possible, the 
debarkation of the troops commenced about eight, 
and was completed about ten, in the forenoon. The 
place fixed on for landing was a clear field, the 
site of the old French fort Toronto ; but the wind 
blowing heavy from the eastward, the boats fell to 
leeward, by which they were exposed to a galling 
fire from the enemy, who had taken a position in a 
thick wood near where the troops were obliged to 
land. This circumstance likewise prevented the fleet 
from covering the landing. The cool intrepidity of 
the officers and men, however, overcame every 
obstacle. 

The riflemen under Forsythe first landed, under a 



DEATH OF GENERAL PIKE. 475 

heavy fire from the enemy, who had collected all 
their force at this point, consisting of seven hundred 
regulars and militia, and one hundred Indians, com- 
manded hy General Sheaffe in person. The contest 
was sharp and severe for about half an hour, when, 
about seven or eight hundred of the Americans having 
landed, commanded by General Pike, and the re- 
mainder of the troops pushing for the shore, the 
enemy retreated to their works, leaving a number of 
killed and wounded on the field. As soon as the 
troops were landed, the schooners were directed to 
take a position near the forts, in order that the attack 
upon them by the army and navy might be simul- 
taneous. 

Pike having formed the troops on the ground origi- 
nally intended for their landing, advanced to the bat- 
teries, which now opened their fire, which was returned 
from the schooners that had beat up to a position 
within six hundred yards of the principal fort. The 
troops were led in the most gallant manner by General 
Pike, who carried two redoubts, and was approaching 
the principal work, when the enemy, having previously 
laid a train, blew up his magazine, by which a great 
number of the troops were killed and wounded, and, 
among the former, the ever-to-be-lamented General 
Pike. When the fall of Pike was made known to 
General Dearborn, he landed and took the command 
of the troops. 

As soon as the magazine was blown up, the British 
set fire to their naval stores and a ship on the stocks ; 
and then the regulars, with Sheaffe at their head, made 
a precipitate retreat from the town. By two in the 



476 SECOND WAR WITH ENGLAND. 

afternoon, the American flag was substituted for the 
British, and by four the troops were in peaceable pos- 
session of York, a capitulation having been agreed 
on with the militia commanding officer, by which the 
town, stores, and nearly three hundred militia were 
surrendered. 

The total American loss on this occasion, was two 
hundred and sixty-four killed and wounded. 

The British acknowledged a loss of one hundred 
and fifty-six, killed, wounded, prisoners, and missing. 
This loss of killed, wounded, and prisoners, however, 
must only include the regulars, as three hundred militia 
were surrendered in the town. 

The day after the capture of York was employed 
in burying the dead. The public buildings, barracks, 
&c, were then destroyed, together with the military 
stores that could not be brought away, and by the 1st 
of May, the town was entirely evacuated, the militia 
prisoners paroled, and the troops embarked ; but, 
owing to contrary winds, the fleet did not sail till the 
8th. On the afternoon of the same day they arrived 
at Four Mile Creek, below Fort Niagara, where the 
troops and public property were landed; and on the 
10th Chauncey again sailed for Sackett's Harbour for 
reinforcements. The day previous to his departure, 
two schooners, with one hundred picked men, sailed 
for the head of the lake to seize a quantity of public 
stores. The stores were found to be guarded by about 
eighty regulars, who were repulsed, the stores brought 
away, the public buildings burnt, and the expedition 
returned to Fort Niagara without loss. 




General Brown. 



DEFENCE OF SACKETT'S HARBOUR. 




Y his successful defence of 
Sackett's Harbour, General 
Brown paved the way for his 
rapid promotion, and gave 
promise of his successful ca- 
reer. On the night of the 
27th of May, a force of up- 
wards of one thousand men, 
under Sir George Prevost, 
were embarked at Kingston, on board the British 
squadron, and in open boats, and immediately 



478 SECOND WAR WITH ENGLAND. 

sailed for Sackett's Harbour. Next morning they 
were observed by Lieutenant Chauncey, who com- 
manded the small naval force remaining there, the 
principal part of the American squadron being en- 
gaged at Fort George ; and he immediately sailed into 
the harbour, firing alarm-guns. The alarm being 
immediately communicated, guns were likewise fired 
from the alarm-posts, in order to bring in the militia, 
and instant measures taken to resist the attack. 

No attempt, however, was made to land on the 
28th, the attention of the enemy being drawn off at 
the moment when all was prepared for landing, by the 
appearance of a fleet of American barges, passing 
from Oswego for Sackett's Harbour. The barges of 
the enemy were immediately despatched to cut them 
off, and succeeded in taking twelve ; the troops, how- 
ever, had previously succeeded in landing and gaining 
the woods, and came into Sackett's Harbour the same 
evening. The remaining seven boats outsailed the 
enemy's barges, and got safe into port. It is presumed 
that the landing was put off till the next morning, 
under the expectation of cutting off more barges, as 
the fleet hauled their wind and stood into South Bay, 
and three armed barges w r ere despatched, apparently, 
in order to waylay them. 

During the night a considerable militia force came 
in, and were stationed on the water side, near Horse 
Island, on which was placed a small body of Albany 
volunteers. The moment it was light the enemy's 
squadron was perceived in line between Stony Point 
and Horse Island, and shortly after troops were landed 



DEFENCE OF SACKETT'S HARBOUR. 479 

on the latter from thirty-three large boats, under cover 
of their gur.-boats. 

General Brown, who commanded the post, had 
directed that the volunteers should retreat across the 
neck which joins Horse Island to the main land, in 
case of the enemy landing there ; which they accord- 
ingly did, and joined the militia under his command, 
amounting to between four and five hundred men. 
The enemy having landed and passed to the main 
land, were marching to the town, when they received 
the fire of the volunteers and militia, which somewhat 
checked their progress. Unfortunately, however, the 
militia, totally unacquainted with military discipline, 
after giving the first fire, rose from their position and 
fled to the woods. The handful of volunteers, thus 
losing their support, were likewise forced to retreat; 
but being joined by a few regulars from the town, suc- 
ceeded in rallying a portion of the militia, and, by the 
aid of the fire from the fort, soon forced the enemy to 
withdraw to their ships. Unfortunately, the officer 
who was intrusted with the care of the navy barracks 
and store-house, who had been instructed to fire them 
in case of the enemy's proving victorious, mistaking 
the flight of the militia for a complete repulse, set 
them on fire, and they were totally consumed. 

The American loss in this attack was twenty-one 
killed and eighty-four wounded, of the volunteers and 
regulars, and twenty-six missing. Of the militia there 
were twenty-five killed, wounded, and missing. Of 
the enemy, twenty-nine were found dead on the field, 
and twenty-two wounded, and thirty-five were made 
prisoners ; in addition, many were killed in the boats 



480 



SECOND WAR WITH ENGLAND. 



while effecting their landing. A number were like- 
wise carried off the field by the enemy previous to the 
commencement of the retreat. In the British official 
account, their loss was stated as follows : viz. Killed, 
forty-eight; wounded, one hundred and ninety-five; 
wounded and missing, sixteen. 





Defence of Fort Stephenson. 



DEFENCE OF FORT STEPHENSON. 



ONG will Colonel Croghan's able 
defence of Fort Stephenson be 
remembered. It was one of 
the most brilliant achievements 
of the war. The opening of 
the campaign of 1813, as we 
have already seen, was con- 
ducted with great activity by the enemy on the 
Niagara frontier. Nor were the British inactive 
upon Lake Erie. After their retreat from Fort 
Meigs in the beginning of May, several threatening 
41 ii h 




482 SECOND WAR WITH ENGLAND. 

movements were made from the lake at Fort Meigs, 
Lower Sandusky, Cleveland, and Erie. No serious 
attempt was made, however, on any of these posts, 
until the 18th of August, — when a combined force 
of the enemy, amounting to at least five hundred 
regulars and seven or eight hundred Indians, under 
the immediate command of General Proctor, made its 
appearance before Lower Sandusky. As soon as the 
general had made such a disposition of his troops as 
would cut off the retreat of the garrison, he sent 
Colonel Elliot, accompanied by Major Chambers, 
with a flag, to demand the surrender of the fort, — 
stating that he was anxious to spare the effusion of 
blood, which he should probably not have it in his 
power to do, should he be reduced to the necessity of 
taking the place by storm. 

The commander was Major Croghan, a youth of 
twenty-one years of age. His answer was, that he 
was determined to defend the place to the last ex- 
tremity, and that no force, however large, should 
induce him to surrender it. So soon as the flag 
returned, a brisk fire opened upon the fort, from the 
gun-boats in the river, and from a five and a half inch 
howitzer on shore, which was kept up with little in- 
termission throughout the night. 

At an early hour next morning, three sixes, which 
had been placed during the night within two hundred 
and fifty yards of the pickets, began to play, but with 
little effect. About four in the afternoon, discovering 
that the fire from all the guns was concentrated against 
the northwestern angle of the fort, Croghan became 
confident that the object was to make a breach, and 



DEFENCE OF FORT STEPHENSON. 483 

attempt to storm the works at that point. He there- 
fore ordered out as many men as could be employed 
tor the purpose of strengthening that part, which was 
so effectually secured by means of bags of flour, sand, 
&c, that the picketing suffered little or no injury; 
notwithstanding which, about five hundred of the 
enemy, having formed in close column, advanced to 
assault the works at the expected point, at the same 
time making two feints on other parts of the fort. 
The column which advanced against the northwestern 
angle, consisting of about three hundred and fifty 
men, was so completely enveloped in smoke, as not 
to be discovered until it had approached within eighteen 
or twenty paces of the lines ; but the men being all 
at their posts to receive it, commenced so heavy and 
galling a fire as to throw the column a little into con- 
fusion ; being quickly rallied, however, it advanced to 
the outer works, and began to leap into the ditch. 
At this moment, a fire of grape was opened from a 
six-pounder, which had been previously arranged so as 
to rake in that direction, which, together with the 
musketry, threw them into such confusion, that they 
were compelled to retire precipitately to the woods. 

During the assault, which lasted about half an hour, 
an incessant fire was kept up by the enemy's artillery, 
which consisted of five sixes and a howitzer, but with- 
out effect. 

Before the attack was ended, the soldiers in the 
garrison supplied the wounded enemy in the ditch with 
water, by throwing over full canteens. 

The whole number of men in the garrison was not 
more than one hundred and sixty. Their loss during 



484 SECOND WAR WITH ENGLAND. 

the siege was one killed, and seven slightly wounded 
The loss of the enemy in killed, wounded, and pri- 
soners, must have exceeded one hundred and fifty, 
one lieutenant-colonel, a lieutenant, and fifty rank and 
file, were found in and about the ditch, dead or 
wounded. Those of the remainder who were not able 
to escape, were taken ofT during the night by the 
Indians. 

About three in the morning, the enemy sailed down 
the river, leaving behind them a boat containing 
clothing and considerable military stores. Seventy 
stand of arms and several brace of pistols were after- 
wards collected near the works. 

A few days after the assault, Proctor despatched 
a surgeon with a flag of truce to assist in the care 
of the wounded, and with a request that such of the 
prisoners as were in a condition to be removed might 
be permitted to return to Maiden, on his parole of 
honour that they should not serve until exchanged. 

Harrison, in his reply, stated that on his arrival at 
Fort Sandusky, on the morning of the 3d, he found 
Major Croghan, conformably to those principles which 
are held sacred in the American army, had caused all 
the care to be taken of the wounded prisoners that his 
situation would permit ; that his hospital surgeon was 
particularly charged to attend to them, and he was 
warranted in the belief that everything which surgical 
skill could give would be afforded. " They have been 
liberally furnished, too," he added, " with every article 
necessary in their situation which the hospital stores 
could afford." Having referred to his government for 
orders respecting the disposition of the prisoners, he 



DEFENCE OF FORT STEPHENSON. 



485 



could not with propriety comply with the request for 
an immediate exchange. But he assures him, that as 
far as it depends upon him, the course of treatment 
which has been commenced towards them whilst in 
his possession would be continued. 

It is impossible to avoid contrasting the conduct 
of Proctor and Harrison in two exactly parallel cases ; 
the care of the wounded and the treatment of the 
surgeon sent for their relief after the battles of 
Frenchtown and Sandusky. In the one case, the 
surgeon was treated with politeness, and only sent 
back when his aid was unnecessary, and the wounded 
were supplied with water by the garrison, even whilst 
the attack is carried on. The opposite conduct need 
not be repeated here. It has made too deep an im- 
pression to be soon effaced. 




41 




Commodore Perry. 



BATTLE OF LAKE ERIE. 




i HEN Commodore Perry was ap- 
pointed to command the United 
States squadron on Lake Erie, 
there was no squadron for him to 
command. The British held the 
entire and exclusive possession of these waters ; and 
to this officer was confided the important duty of 



BATTLE OF LAKE ERIE. 487 

creating a fleet in the face of a proud and insolent 
foe. The commodore had not only to contemplate 
the day as extremely dubious and distant when he 
should meet his enemy on fair and honourable terms 
on the bosom of the lake, but likewise to guard 
against surprise, and to run the risk of having his 
navy destroyed on the stocks. He had likewise to 
apprehend everything from the inexperience of his 
own sailors; and, it is hoped that it will not be 
deemed invidious to assert, from the inexperience of 
his officers also. The commodore himself had never 
seen a naval engagement ; it is true that he had 
studied the theory of naval warfare, but he had known 
nothing of active operations. He had never been in 
an engagement where a single ship was opposed to a 
single ship ; much less could he be presumed capable 
of calculating all the hazards and casualties where 
one fleet was opposed to another. This was untried 
ground, and on which the commodore, so far as 
regards the knowledge resulting from experience, was 
almost as much a novice as the most ignorant of his 
crew. In addition to this formidable mass of ob- 
structions, he had to encounter the genius of Captain 
Barclay, a man who, to an enterprising and active 
mind, had united the lessons of sober experience ; he 
was conversant with naval science, both in theory 
and in practice : he had served under Nelson ; and, in 
the battle of Trafalgar, his wound was an evidence 
of his courage and intrepidity. These were the ap- 
parently unequal terms on which Commodore Perry 
was to cope with his gallant competitor. 

These difficulties, which in ordinary minds would 



488 SECOND WAR WITH ENGLAND. 

only excite motives of despair, were, in Commodore 
Perry's, subjects only of active and of persevering 
energy. His genius seemed to expand beneath the 
pressure of the foot which was raised for its extermi- 
nation. 

To guard against the approach of the heavy 
vessels of the enemy, while his own fleet was upon 
the stocks, he selected a place denominated the har- 
bour of Erie, which, from the shoalness of the water, 
was incapable of being approached by vessels loaded 
with heavy ordnance. This bay, by projecting into 
the main land, rendered the pass defensible, both by 
armed boats and by the militia, who, on the requi- 
sitions of the commodore, were stationed to Match 
every motion of the enemy. Here, if Captain Bar- 
clay attempted to enter, he would be compelled to 
relinquish his maritime superiority — he would be 
compelled to forego his heavy ships, and to trust his 
strength in boats, which might be opposed by an 
equal force on the water, as well as by the militia, 
who were stationed to prevent his advances. His 
naval pre-eminence would now avail him nothing. 
Under such auspices did Commodore Perry com- 
mence the hazardous undertaking of building his fleet. 
Frequently were alarms excited, and probably for 
nefarious purposes promulgated, that Captain Barclay 
intended an attack ; and as often was the vigilance 
and promptitude of Commodore Perry found equal to 
the emergency. The militia were, by these false 
alarms, rendered more expert, and his own sailors 
were, from the same causes, trained, disciplined, and 
inured to their duty. 



BATTLE OF LAKE ERIE. 489 

These are some, and but faint views of the diffi- 
culties which Commodore Perry had to surmount. 
Many minds are found capable of comprehending 
things in the mass, which cannot, at the same time, 
bear all the tedious minutiae of detail. Commodore 
Perry, however, was as attentive to the one as to the 
other. While he was revolving in his mind, and 
anxiously awaiting for the day when he should meet 
his opponent on equal terms, he* superintended the 
whole of the preparatory arrangements, and displayed 
the same persevering zeal as he did in the grander 
scenes in which he was afterwards called to act. 

On the morning of the 10th of September, 1813, 
Commodore Perry's fleet — consisting of the brig 
Lawrence, of twenty guns ; the Niagara, of twenty ; 
the Caledonia, of three ; the schooner Ariel, of four ; 
the Scorpion, of two ; the Somers, of two guns and 
two swivels ; the sloop Trippe, the schooner Tigress, 
and the Porcupine, carrying each one gun only, and 
making in the aggregate fifty-four guns — were lying 
in Put-in Bay. The British fleet, commanded by 
Commodore Barclay, were discovered, consisting 
of the ship Detroit, carrying nineteen guns ; the 
Queen Charlotte, seventeen ; the schooner Lady 
Prevost, thirteen; the brig Hunter, ten; the sloop 
Little Belt, three ; and the schooner Chippeway, one 
— making a difference of nine guns in favour of the 
British. Commodore Perry preserving the weather- 
gage of his antagonist, bore up to windward, and 
formed his squadron in line of battle. The enemy 
commenced firing, and as he mounted long twenty- 
four, eighteen, and twelve-pounders, his fire became 



490 SECOND WAR WITH ENGLAND. 

destructive. The commodore observing this inequality 
of fire, and his own ship being the principal sufferer, 
made the signal for close action. The Lawrence 
was, in this situation, exposed for upwards of two 
hours to a fire so destructive and tremendous, that 
every brace and bowline was shot away, every gun 
rendered useless, and the greater part of her crew 
either killed or wounded. 

Commodore Perry lay in the Lawrence between 
the Queen Charlotte and the Detroit, with the schoon- 
ers Ariel and Scorpion on his weather-bow. 

While the battle was thus raging, the gunboats, on 
which so much depended in such a crisis, and which, 
from the facility of their management, were capable 
of such speedy and effectual annoyance of the enemy, 
did but Jittle or no execution. 

This is a broad outline of the action, and of the 
situation of the respective ships at this critical 
moment. Commodore Perry finding that no more 
effective hostility could be done in the Lawrence, 
hastily left her in the charge of his brave and gallant 
lieutenant, Yarnall, and immediately proceeded on 
board the Niagara, bearing the commodore's flag, on 
which was inscribed the dying words of the brave 
Lawrence, " Don't give up the ship.'''' He passed the 
line of the enemy, exposed to the full hazard of their 
musketry, still standing in the boat, a marked and 
pointed object, until he was forcibly pulled down by 
his own men. When he arrived on board of the 
Niagara, the crew of the Lawrence — the few re- 
maining crew — gave three cheers, on account of the 
safety of their beloved commander. Commodore 



BATTLE OF LAKE ERIE. 493 

Perry said, addressing Captain Elliot, " Do you see 
those infernal gun-boats? — they have lost us the 
victory." "No," exclaims his confederate ; "do you 
take command of this ship, and I will bring up the 
boats." This was what Commodore Perry so deli- 
cately mentions in his letter to the Secretary of the 
Navy, that Captain Elliot anticipated his wishes, in 
bringing up the boats. 

A fresh breeze springing up at this moment, Com- 
modore Perry availed himself of this favourable 
opportunity, and plunged through the enemy's line, 
giving them a raking fire from the right and left. 
Captain Elliot, in the mean time, having brought up 
the gun-boats, did vigorous execution, by plying them 
in different directions, for which kind of naval service 
they are so admirably adapted. The enemy, over 
whom victory seemed to hover until this moment, 
were compelled to strike their flags ; and Captain 
Barclay, who was fainting below, from the loss of 
blood, being carried on deck, agreed that nothing 
better could be done. 

On board the Lawrence twenty-two were killed, 
and sixty-one wounded. On board the Niagara two 
were killed, and twenty-five wounded. On board 
the Caledonia three were wounded ; and on board 
the Ariel two. On board the Trippe and the Scor- 
pion two only were wounded in each — making, in the 
whole, one hundred and twenty-three in killed and 
wounded. The number of the enemy's killed and 
wounded is not known. 

During this sanguinary battle, the Lawrence, after 
Commodore Perry had left her, was compelled to 
42 



494 SECOND WAR WITH ENGLAND. 

strike her colours, but the British not being able to 
take possession, the flag was afterwards rehoisted. 

It was thought by many persons in the fleet at the 
time of the battle, that Captain Elliot might have 
come into close action before Commodore Perry 
boarded his vessel ; and Perry himself expressed this 
opinion, and called on the proper authorities for an 
official inquiry into the matter, some time after. 
This gave rise to a controversy which has not yet 
terminated, during which much nautical language, 
much special pleading, and many diagrams have been 
employed to show that if there was any fault it was 
Perry's, and not Elliot's. But public opinion chose to 
regard Perry as the hero of the day, at the time of the 
battle, and the lapse of more than thirty years has 
not served to depress his reputation in public estima- 
tion, notwithstanding the violence with which it has 
been assailed. If there ever was a victory won by 
the extraordinary exertions of the commander-in- 
chief, it was this on, Lake Erie. There were many 
circumstances against him — such as the superior 
force of the enemy, the sickness of many of his men, 
while those of the British are admitted to have been 
all in health, and the fact that he received no support 
from the Niagara until his own ship was disabled, and 
he was compelled to shift his flag. It is upon these 
broad and indisputable facts, that his countrymen 
have assigned him a place in the very highest rank 
of their naval commanders, from which detraction 
can never remove him. His memory and his noble 
character will be cherished to the latest time as a 
portion of the nation's inheritance of glory. 



BATTLE OF LAKE ERIE. 



495 



Previous to Perry's victory, there were many and 
incessant clamours against the war, and many, of both 
the friends and enemies of that measure, ventured to 
prognosticate that the American officers were unable 
to conduct a fleet in action. Everything of this kind 
was now silenced, and friends and enemies of the war 
all united to do honour to those to whom honour was 
so justly due. In acknowledgment of his services in 
this action, Perry was promoted, and received the 
thanks of Congress and many state legislatures ; but 
he rested not from his toils. The British naval force 
on the lake was now subdued, and Perry quitted naval 
warfare for the moment, to engage and assist in the 
enterprises of General Harrison on land. He assisted 
at the taking of the Moravian towns, on the 5th of 
October following his own victory. 





Battle of the Thames 



BATTLE OF THE THAMES. 



REVIOUS to the battle of 
the Thames, Commodore 
Perry's victory had opened 
the way for the passage of 
the American army into Ca- 
nada, and on the 3d of Oc- 
tober, General Harrison left 
Sandwich in pursuit of Proc- 
tor, with about one hundred 
and forty regulars, Colonel Johnson's mounted regi- 
ment, and the Kentucky volunteers, under the venerable 




BATTLE OF THE THAMES. 497 

Governor Shelby, amounting, in the whole, to near 
thirty-five hundred men. Harrison was accompanied 
by Commodore Perry, who volunteered as his aide-de- 
camp. 

The army reached the river Thames, which falls 
into Lake St. Clair, twenty-five miles above Detroit, 
the same evening, and next morning crossed by a 
bridge, which Proctor had neglected to destroy. Har- 
rison put himself at the head of the mounted regiment 
and pushed forward, in order, if possible, to save the 
bridge over three branches of the Thames, which ran 
between him and the British army. At the first of 
these they captured a lieutenant of dragoons and 
eleven privates, who had been despatched by Proctor 
to destroy it ; and the second having been but imper- 
fectly destroyed, was soon repaired, and the army 
passed over and encamped on the evening of the 3d 
of October. 

The baggage had thus far been brought over in 
boats, accompanied by gun-boats to protect it, and, if 
necessary, to cover the passage of the army across 
the rivers ; but the river above being narrow, with 
high woody banks, it became necessary to leave the 
baggage under a guard, and trust to the bravery of 
the troops to effect a passage across the remaining 
stream. Next morning, about eight miles above their 
encampment, the army arrived at the third unfordable 
branch of the Thames, where they found that the 
bridge over its mouth, as well as one a mile above, 
had been taken up by the Indians. Here several hun- 
dred of the Indians attempted to dispute the passage 

of the troops, but the fire from two six-pounders soon 
42* xi 



498 SECOND WAR WITH ENGLAND. 

drove them off; and in about two hours after, the bridge 
was repaired, and the troops crossed just in time to 
extinguish a house that had been set on fire, containing 
a considerable number of muskets, which were fortu- 
nately saved. At the first farm above the bridge was 
found one of the enemy's vessels on fire, and here 
intelligence was received that they were but a few 
miles ahead. 

The army halted for the night about four miles 
above the bridge, where they found two other vessels, 
and a large distillery, filled with ordnance and other 
valuable stores to an immense amount, in flames. It 
was impossible to extinguish the fire ; but two mounted 
twenty-four-pounders were taken, and a large quantity 
of ball and shells of various sizes. Early on the 
morning of the 5th, the troops were again put in 
motion, and in the afternoon the officer commanding 
the advance sent to inform General Harrison that his 
progress was stopped by the enemy, who were formed 
across the line of march. 

Between the two armies the road passed through 
an uncleared beech forest, pretty clear of underwood, 
near the banks of a river, parallel to which, at the 
distance of two or three hundred yards, extended a 
swamp several miles in length. Across this strip of 
land the British were drawn up, their left resting on 
the river, supported by artillery; their right on the 
swamp, covered by the Indians. 

The Americans were now formed in order of 
battle. General Trotter's brigade formed the front 
line, his right upon the road, and his left upon the 
swamp ; while General Desha's division, consisting 



BATTLE OF THE THAMES. 499 

of two brigades, formed en potence* on his left. 
General King's brigade formed a second line, one 
hundred and fifty yards in the rear of Trotter's ; and 
Chile's brigade formed the command of Major- 
General Henry. Each brigade averaged nearly five 
hundred men. The crotchet formed by Desha's 
division was occupied by Shelby, the governor of 
Kentucky, a veteran of sixty-six years of age, who 
had distinguished himself in the revolutionary war, 
at King's Mountain. These troops, who now 
amounted only to one hundred and twenty men, oc- 
cupied in columns of sections of four the small space 
between the road and the river, for the purpose of 
seizing the enemy's artillery ; and ten or twelve 
friendly Indians were directed to move under the 
bank. Harrison had directed Johnson's mounted 
infantry to form in two lines opposite to the enemy, 
and, when the infantry advanced, to take ground to 
the left, and, forming upon that flank, to endeavour 
to turn the right of the Indians. It was perceived, 
however, that it would be impracticable for them to 
do anything on horseback, in that quarter, owing to 
the thickness of the woods and the swampiness of the 
ground. A measure altogether novel was therefore 
determined on, which was crowned with the most 
signal success. The American backwoodsmen ride 
better in the woods than any other people. A 
musket or rifle is no impediment to them, being 

* Troops are ranged en potence by breaking a straight line, and 
throwing a certain proportion of it either backward or forward, 
according to circumstances, for the purpose of securing the line. 

Duane's Military Dictionary. 



500 SECOND WAR WITH ENGLAND. 

accustomed to carry either on horseback from their 
earliest youth. A charge was determined on, and 
accordingly the regiment was drawn up in close 
column, with its right at the distance of fifty yards 
from the road, that it might in some measure be 
protected from the artillery, and the left upon the 
swamp. 

The army moved on in this order but a short 
distance, when the mounted men received the fire of 
the British line, and were instantly ordered to charge. 
The horses in the front of the column recoiled from 
the fire ; but on receiving a second fire the column got 
into motion, and immediately, at full speed, broke 
through the enemy with irresistible force. In one 
minute the contest was over in front. The British 
officers, seeing no hope of reducing their disordered 
ranks to order, the mounted infantry wheeling upon 
them and pouring in a destructive fire, immediately 
surrendered. Only three of the Americans were 
wounded in this charge. 

Upon the American left, however, the contest with 
the Indians was more severe. Colonel Johnson, who 
commanded on that flank of his regiment, received a 
most galling fire from them, which was returned with 
great effect. The Indians still further to the left ad- 
vanced and fell in with the front line of infantry, near 
its junction with the division en potence, and for a mo- 
ment made an impression upon it. Governor Shelby, 
however, who, as already stated, was stationed near 
this point, brought up a regiment to its support. The 
enemy now received a severe fire in front, and a part 



BATTLE OF THE THAMES. 501 

| 

of the mounted men having gained their rear, they 
immediately retreated with precipitation. 

The moment had now arrived which was to prove 
whether the stigma that had been thrown on our 
Kentucky brethren was founded on truth or falsehood ; 
when it was to be seen whether they were* " a ferocious 
and mortal foe, using the same mode of warfare with 
the allies of Britain." The troops who had now com- 
pletely in their power the army under whose eyes had 
been acted the tragedy of the river Raisin, and that 
which was acted on the Miami after the defeat of Colonel 
Dudley, were almost exclusively composed of Kentuck- 
ians ; of men who had lost their brothers or friends in 
those shocking scenes. Nor were even the instruments 
of vengeance wanting. They were accompanied by the 
savages that had perpetrated those deeds, who had 
just been suing for mercy, and would gladly have 
shown their claims to it, by reacting upon the Thames 
the bloody scenes of the river Raisin. But how did 
they avail themselves of the opportunity which now 
presented ? Did they turn the tide of horrible war- 
fare which had deluged their borders in the blood of 
wounded prisoners, and of helpless age and infancy, 
upon the head of its abettors ? No : to their honour 
and to the honour of their country be it spoken, they 
did not. The moment the enemy was in their power all 
injuries were magnanimously forgotten, and the pri- 
soners received the most honourable and delicate 
treatment from the hands of those whom they had 

* General Brock's proclamation, for which see page 33 of Official 
Documents. 



502 SECOND WAR WITH ENGLAND. 

stigmatized as savages, the employment of whom 
justified the use of the Indians. 

Of the British troops twelve were killed, and 
twenty-two wounded in this action, and six hundred 
and one regulars taken prisoners. General Proctor 
escaped by the fleetness of his horses, escorted by 
forty dragoons, and a number of mounted Indians. 
The Indians suffered the greatest loss. Thirty-three 
were found dead on the ground, besides numbers who 
were killed in the retreat. On the day of the action 
six pieces of brass artillery were taken, and two twenty- 
four-pounders the day before. Several others were 
discovered in the river, which were expected to be 
saved. Of the brass pieces, three were trophies of the 
revolutionary war, that were taken at Saratoga and 
York, and surrendered by General Hull. The number 
of small arms captured by the Americans, or de- 
stroyed by the enemy, must have exceeded five 
thousand ; most of them had been taken by the British 
at Detroit, and the river Raisin, and the Miami. The 
loss of the Americans was seven killed and twenty- 
two wounded, five of whom afterwards died. 

The American troops certainly deserved great 
praise for their conduct in this action ; for although 
they considerably outnumbered the British, it must be 
recollected that they were only militia, and that the 
British had chosen a position that effectually secured 
their flanks, and which it was impossible for the 
Americans to turn, or to present a line more extended 
than that of the enemy. 

The death of Tecumseh, which took place in this 
action, has been attributed to Colonel Johnson. 




Commodore Chauncey. 



GALLANT ACTION OF COMMODORE CHAUNCEY 
UNDER THE GUNS OF KINGSTON CITADEL. 



N the 6th of November, 1813, Commodore 
Chauncey sailed in the Oneida with his six 
schooners, in pursuit of the enemy, and on 
U$?E&b&& t jj e same (j a y f e ]j m ^j t jj t j ie R y a ] George, 

which he chased into the bay of Quanti, where he lost 

sight of her in the night. Next morning he again 
43 




506 SECOND WAR WITH ENGLAND. 

discovered her in Kingston Channel, and immediately 
gave chase, and followed her into the harbour of 
Kingston, where he engaged her and the batteries for 
an hour and three-quarters. Chauncey had made up 
his mind to board her, notwithstanding she was pro- 
tected by the batteries ; but the wind blowing directly 
in, the pilots refused to take charge of the vessels, and 
it was therefore deemed imprudent to make the attack 
at this time. He accordingly hauled off, and beat up, 
under a heavy fire from the enemy, to Four Mile Point, 
where the squadron anchored. During the night it 
blew heavy, with squalls from the westward; and 
there being every appearance of a gale of wind, the 
pilot became alarmed, and Chauncey thought it most 
prudent to get into a place of more safety, and there- 
fore reluctantly deferred renewing the attack until a 
more favourable opportunity. 

The signal was made to weigh at seven the next 
morning, and the squadron beat out of a very narrow 
channel, under a heavy press of sail, to the open lake. 
At ten they fell in with the Governor Simcoe, which 
escaped into Kingston harbour by running over a 
reef of rocks, under a heavy fire from three of the 
schooners, during which all her people ran below. It 
now coming on to blow very heavy, Chauncey bore up 
for Sackett's Harbour, and on his way thither cap- 
tured two schooners, one of which was burnt after 
taking out her sails and rigging. 

The Oneida, in this affair, had one man killed and 
three slightly wounded, and a few shot through her 
sails. The schooners lost no men by the enemy's 
fire, and received but little injury in their hulls and 



CHAUNCEY'S HEROIC ACTION. 507 

sails. One of their guns, however, burst early in the 
action, which wounded her commander badly, and a 
midshipman and three men slightly. The Royal 
George received considerable injury in her hull and in 
men, as the gun-vessels, with their long thirty-two- 
pounders, were seen to strike her almost every shot ; 
and it was observed that she was reinforced with men 
three different times during the action. 





THE SACKING OF HAMPTON. 




OTHING can exceed the bar- 
barous conduct of the British 
naval commanders on Ches- 
apeake Bay, during the year 
1813. Their ravages will 
long be remembered by the 
inhabitants of Virginia and 
Maryland. After burning 
Frenchtown, Havre de Grace, Georgetown, and 
Fredericktown, they attempted to reach Norfolk, but 
were nobly repulsed at Craney Island. Foiled in their 
meditated attack on Norfolk, by this repulse at the 
mouth of the harbour, the British again turned their 
attention to the easier duties of laying waste unpro- 
tected villages; and that of Hampton, which lay 
nearly opposite, naturally presented itself. Here they 
landed a body of two thousand men, with but little 
opposition, there being only a small detachment 
of militia encamped near the town, who were soon 



SACKING OF HAMPTON. 511 

forced to retreat under a heavy fire of artillery and 
musketry, and congreve rockets. The British now 
took possession of the village ; and here a horrid 
scene of barbarity ensued, which was characterized 
by plunder, devastation, murder, and rape. The Brit- 
ish troops shortly after retreated to their ships, when a 
correspondence took place by means of flags between 
General Taylor, the commandant at Norfolk, and 
Sir Sidney Beckwith, quartermaster-general of the 
British forces, on the subject of these excesses. Sir 
Sidney attempted to justify them on the ground of 
inhumanity in some of the American troops, on Craney 
Island, whom he charged with having waded into the 
river, and shot at their unresisting and yielding foe, who 
clung to the wreck of a boat, which had been sunk by 
the fire of their guns. This imputation was promptly 
repelled, and a board of officers was immediately 
appointed to investigate the charge. From the evi- 
dence adduced, it appeared that in the action at Craney 
Island, two of the enemy's boats in front of the line 
were sunk by the fire of the batteries ; the soldiers 
and sailors who were in those boats were consequently 
afloat, and in danger of drowning, and being in front 
of the boats that were uninjured, guns were neces- 
sarily fired in the direction of the men in the water, 
but with no intention, whatever, to do them further 
harm ; but, on the contrary, orders were given to pre- 
vent this, by ceasing to fire grape, and only to fire 
round shot; it was also substantiated that one of the 
enemy, who had apparently surrendered, advanced 
towards the shore about one hundred yards, where he 
suddenly turned to his right, and endeavoured to make 



512 



SECOND WAR WITH ENGLAND. 



his escape to a body of the enemy who had landed 
above the island, and who were then in view ; then, 
and not till then, he was fired upon to bring him back, 
which had the desired effect, and he was taken unhurt 
to the island. It further appeared, that the troops on 
the island exerted themselves in acts of hospitality to 
the unresisting and yielding foe. 

But, even if this charge had been founded on fact, 
it could not have justified the measures adopted by 
the British. The facts should surely have been first 
clearly ascertained and redress demanded, before any 
retaliation was resorted to, especially a retaliation so 
extravagant in its measures, applying not to the per- 
petrators of the alleged offence, nor to their comrades, 
but to the unresisting, innocent, and helpless. 





Captain Lawrence. 



CAPTURE OF THE PEACOCK. 



OON after the declaration of war, 
Captain Lawrence sailed from 
Boston in company with Com- 
modore Bainbridge, on a cruise 
to the East Indies ; but in 
running down the coast of Brazil, 
in the month of December, they 
found the Bonne Citoyenne, a 
British ship-of-war, laden with specie, lying in the 




514 SECOND WAR WITH ENGLAND. 

harbour of St. Salvador. Though this ship was 
superior to the Hornet in force, Lawrence challenged 
the commander to meet him in action. He declined, 
and Lawrence blockaded him in the port till January, 
1813, when the arrival of the Montague, of seventy- 
four guns, compelled him to retreat. 

From St. Salvador Captain Lawrence now shaped 
his course towards Pernambuco. On the 10th of 
February, he captured the English brig Resolution, 
of ten guns, laden with provisions and about twenty- 
five thousand dollars in specie ; but, as she was a dull 
sailer, and he could not spare hands to man her, he 
took out the money and the crew, and burnt her. 
He then ran down the coast from Maranham ; and, 
after cruising near that place and Surinam till the 23d 
of February, he stood for Demerara. On the next 
morning he discovered a brig to leeward, and chased 
her so near the shore that he was obliged to haul off 
for want of a pilot. During the chase, however, he 
had discovered a vessel at anchor outside of the bar 
of Demerara river, with English colours flying, and 
now began beating round the Corobano bank to get 
at her ; when, between three and four o'clock in the 
afternoon, another sail was seen on his weather 
quarter, edging down for him. As she approached, 
she hoisted English colours, and proved to be the 
British brig Peacock, Captain Peake. The Hornet 
was immediately cleared for action, and kept close to 
the wind, in order to get the weather-gage of the 
approaching vessel. At ten minutes past five, finding 
that he could weather the enemy, Captain Lawrence 
hoisted American colours, tacked, and, in about a 



CAPTURE OF THE PEACOCK. 517 

quarter of an hour, passed the British ship within 
half pistol-shot, and exchanged broadsides. The 
enemy was now in the act of wearing, when Captain 
Lawrence bore up, received his starboard broadside, 
and ran him close on board on the starboard quarter ; 
from which position he kept up so close and bloody a 
fire, that in less than fifteen minutes from the com- 
mencement of the action, the British struck their 
colours, and hoisted a signal of distress. Lieutenant 
Shubrick instantly went on board, and found that she 
was cut to pieces, her captain killed, many of the crew 
killed and wounded, her mainmast gone by the board, 
six feet water in the hold, and sinking very fast. The 
two ships were immediately brought to anchor, and the 
Hornet's boats despatched to bring off the wounded ; 
but, although her guns were thrown overboard, the 
shot-holes which could be got at plugged, and every 
exertion made by pumping and baling to keep her 
afloat, so completely had she been shattered that she 
sunk before the prisoners could be removed, carrying 
down thirteen of her crew, as well as three men be- 
longing to the Hornet. Lieutenant Conner and the 
other officers and men employed in removing the 
prisoners, narrowly escaped by leaping into a boat, 
as the Peacock went down ; and four seamen of the 
Hornet ran up into the foretop at the same time, and 
were taken off by the boats. 

The Peacock was deemed one of the finest ships 
of her class in the British navy. In size she was 
about equal to the Hornet ; but in guns and men, the 
Hornet was somewhat, though very little, her supe- 
rior ; and by no means so much so as to give her any 
44 



518 SECOND WAR WITH ENGLAND. 

decided advantage. The loss on board the Peacock 
could not be precisely ascertained. Captain Peake 
was twice wounded, the second time mortally. Four 
men were found dead on board. The master and 
thirty-two others were wounded, three of whom after- 
wards died. The Hornet had only one man killed, 
and two slightly wounded. Her rigging and sails 
were much cut, but her hull received very little injury. 
During the engagement, the vessel which the Hornet 
had been endeavouring to reach before the Peacock 
bore down, lay at anchor within six miles, and as 
she was a brig — the Espiegle — carrying fifteen thirty- 
two-pound carronades, and two long nines, it was 
supposed that she would attack the Hornet, after the 
latter had been disabled by the combat. The Hornet 
was immediately prepared to receive her, and, by nine 
o'clock at night, her boats were stowed, a new set of 
sails bent, and everything ready for action. She, 
however, declined coming out. The next morning, 
Captain Lawrence found that he had two hundred 
and seventy souls on board the Hornet, and, as his 
crew had for some time been on short allowance, re- 
solved to steer for the United States. The officers 
of the Peacock received from those of the Hornet the 
most humane and honourable treatment ; so penetrated 
with gratitude were they for the kindness which they 
had experienced, that they could not restrain the ex- 
pression of their feelings till they reached England, 
but, on their arrival in the United States, published 
a letter of thanks to Captain Lawrence and his 
officers, in which they declared that such was the 
liberality displayed to them, that "they ceased to 



CAPTURE OF THE PEACOCK. 



519 



consider themselves prisoners." Nor was the rough 
generosity of the Hornet's crew less honourable. As 
the sailors of the Peacock had lost everything except 
what they had on their backs, when she went down, 
the crew of the Hornet united to relieve them ; and 
made every English sailor a present of two shirts, 
and a blue jacket and pair of trowsers ; a true-hearted 
liberality, which raises them in our estimation higher 
than even their victory. 





We a th er ford . 



MASSACRE AT FORT MIMMS. 




l^jj^HE famous Indian chief Weatherford was 
born in the Creek nation. His father was 
an itinerant pedlar, sordid, treacherous, 
and revengeful; his mother was a full- 
blooded savage, of the tribe of the Seminoles. He 
partook of all the bad qualities of both his parents, 
and engrafted on the stock he inherited from others, 
many that were peculiarly his own. With avarice, 
treachery, and a thirst for blood, he combined lust, 
gluttony, and a devotion to every species of criminal 
carousal. Fortune, in her freaks, sometimes gives to 



MASSACRE AT FORT MIMMS. 521 

the most profligate an elevation of mind which she 
denies to men whose propensities are the most virtuous. 
On Weatherford she bestowed genius, eloquence, and 
courage. The first of these qualities enabled him to 
conceive great designs, the last to execute them ; while 
eloquence, bold, impressive, and figurative, furnished 
him with a passport to the favour of his countrymen 
and followers. Silent and reserved, unless when ex- 
cited by some great occasion, and superior to the 
weakness of rendering himself cheap by the frequency 
of his addresses, he delivered his opinions but seldom 
in council ; but when he did so, he was listened to 
with delight and approbation. His judgment and 
eloquence had secured the respect of the old, his vices 
made him the idol of the young and unprincipled. In 
his person tall, straight, and well-proportioned ; his 
eye black, lively, and penetrating, and indicative of 
courage and enterprise ; his nose prominent, thin, and 
elegant in its formation : while all the features of his 
face, harmoniously arranged, spoke of an active and 
disciplined mind. Passionately devoted to wealth, he 
had appropriated to himself a fine tract of land, im- 
proved and settled it ; and, from the profits of his 
father's pack, had decorated and embellished it. To 
it he retired occasionally, and, relaxing from the cares 
of state, he indulged in pleasures which are but rarely 
found to afford satisfaction to the devotees of ambition 
and fame. Such were the opposite and sometimes 
disgusting traits of character in the celebrated Wea- 
therford, the key and corner-stone of the Creek con- 
federacy ! 

It is said that this chief had adopted fully the 

44* 



522 SECOND WAR WITH ENGLAND. 

views of Tecumseh, and that, if he had entered upon 
his designs without delay, he would have been amply 
able to overrun the whole Mississippi territory. But 
this fortunate moment was lost, and, in the end, his 
plans came to ruin. Not long before the wretched 
butchery at Fort Mimms, General Claiborne visited 
that post, and very particularly warned its holders 
against a surprise. After giving orders for the con- 
struction of two additional block-houses, he concluded 
the order with these words : " To respect an enemy, 
and prepare the best possible way to meet him, is the 
certain means to insure success." It was expected 
that Weatherford would soon attack some of the 
forts, and General Claiborne marched to Fort Early, 
as that was the furthest advanced into the enemy's 
country. On his way he wrote to Major Beasley, the 
commander of Mimms, informing him of the danger 
of an attack ; and, strange as it may appear, the next 
day after the letter was received (August 30th, 1813), 
Weatherford, at the head of about fifteen hundred 
warriors, entered the fort at noonday, when a shocking 
carnage ensued. The gate had been left open and 
unguarded; but before many of the warriors had 
entered they were met by Major Beasley, at the head 
of his men, and for some time the contest was bloody 
and doubtful; each striving for the mastery of the 
entrance. Here, man to man, the fight continued for 
a quarter of an hour with tomahawks, knives, swords, 
and bayonets. A scene now presented itself almost 
without a parallel in the annals of Indian warfare. 
The garrison consisted of two hundred and seventy- 
five : of these only one hundred and sixty were soldiers ; 



MASSACRE AT FORT MIMMS. 525 

the rest were old men, women, and children, who had 
here taken refuge. It is worthy of very emphatical 
remark, that every officer expired fighting at the gate 
A lieutenant having been badly wounded, was carried 
by two women to a block-house ; but when he was a 
little recovered, he insisted on being carried back to 
the fatal scene, which was done by the same heroines, 
who placed him by the side of a dead champion, where 
he was soon despatched. 

The defenders of the garrison being now nearly 
all slain, the women and children shut themselves up 
in the block-houses, and seizing upon what weapons 
they could find, began, in that perilous and hopeless 
situation, to defend themselves. But the Indians soon 
succeeded in setting these houses on fire ; and all such 
as refused to meet death without, perished in the 
flames within. Seventeen only escaped of all the 
garrison, and many of those were desperately wounded. 
It was judged that, during the contest at the gate, 
near four hundred of Weatherford's warriors were 
wounded or slain. 





General Jac kso n . 



SURRENDER OF WEATHERFORD. 




FTER the battle at Horse- 
shoe Bend, in which Gene- 
ral Jackson gave the death- 

* blow to the power of the 



formidable Creek nation, 
the Indians, seeing all re- 
? sistance was at an end, 
came forward in great 
numbers and made their submission. Weatherford 



SURRENDER OF WEATHERFORD. 527 

however, and many who were known to be des- 
perate, still stood out; perhaps from fear. Gen- 
eral Jackson determined to test the fidelity of 
those chiefs who had submitted, and therefore 
ordered them to deliver, without delay, Weatherford 
into his hands, that he might be dealt with as he 
deserved. When they had made known to the 
sachem what was required of them, his noble spirit 
would not submit to such degradation; and to hold 
them harmless, he resolved to give himself up without 
compulsion. Accordingly, he proceeded to the Amer- 
ican camp, unknown, until he appeared before the 
commanding general, to whose presence, under some 
pretence, he gained admission. General Jackson was 
greatly surprised, when the chief said, " I am Weather- 
ford, the chief who commanded at the capture of Fort 
Mimms. I desire peace for my people, and have 
come to ask it." Jackson had, doubtless, determined 
upon his execution when he should be brought bound, 
as he had directed; but his unexpected appearance, 
in this manner, saved him. The general said he 
was astonished that he should venture to appear in his 
presence, as he was not ignorant of his having been 
at Fort Mimms, nor of his inhuman conduct there, for 
which he well deserved to die. "I ordered," con- 
tinued the general, " that you should be brought to me 
bound ; and had you been brought in this manner, I 
should have known how to treat you." In answer 
to this, Weatherford made the following famous 
speech. 

" I am in your power — do with me as you please 
— I am a soldier. I have done the whites all the 



528 SECOND WAR WITH ENGLAND. 

harm I could. I have fought them, and fought them 
bravely. If I had an army, I would yet fight — I 
would contend to the last: but I have none. My 
people are all gone. I can only weep over the mis- 
fortunes of my nation." 

General Jackson was pleased with his boldness, 
and told him that, though he was in his power, yet he 
would take no advantage ; that he might yet join the 
war party, and contend against the Americans, if he 
chose, but to depend upon no quarter if taken after- 
ward ; and that unconditional submission was his and 
his people's only safety. Weatherford rejoined, in a 
tone as dignified as it was indignant — "You can 
safely address me in such terms now. There was a 
time when I could have answered you — there was a 
time when I had a choice — I have none now. I have 
not even a hope. I could once animate my warriors 
to battle — but I cannot animate the dead. My war- 
riors can no longer hear my voice. Their bones are 
atTalledega,Tallushatchee,Emuckfaw, and Tohopeka. 
I have not surrendered myself without thought. 
While there was a single chance of success, I never 
left my post, nor supplicated peace. But my people 
are gone, and I now ask it for my nation, not for 
myself. I look back with deep sorrow, and wish to 
avert still greater calamities. If I had been left to 
contend with the Georgia army, I would have raised 
my corn on one bank of the river, and fought them 
on the other. But your people have destroyed my 
nation. You are a brave man. I rely upon your 
generosity. You will exact no terms of a conquered 
people but such as they should accede to. If they 



SURRENDER OF WEATHERFORD, 



529 



are opposed, you shall find me amongst the sternest 
enforcers of obedience. Those who would still hold 
out, can be influenced only by a mean spirit of revenge. 
To this they must not, and shall not sacrifice the last 
remnant of their country. You have told our nation 
that we might go and be safe. This is good talk, and 
they ought to listen to it. They shall listen to it." 




45 



Ll 




General Scott. 



BATTLE OF NIAGARA. 




N the 25th of September, 1814, General 
Brown received information that the 
British had appeared near Queen stown 
Heights in considerable force. Accord- 
ingly, he despatched General Scott with a part 
of the army to watch the enemy, and, if neces- 
sary, bring on an engagement. On arriving 
near Niagara Falls, Scott learned that the British 



BATTLE OF NIAGARA. 531 

were within a short distance, and separated from him 
only by a narrow wood. Turning this, a thrilling 
spectacle burst upon his view. Their whole army, 
thirsting for battle, was sweeping from point to point 
in dense columns, while the scarlet uniform of the 
infantry, and gay trappings of the cavalry, flashed 
and dazzled in the setting sun. The day had been 
beautiful ; and as the sun sat silently on the horizon, 
lighting up the west in a flood of golden light, no sound 
of nature disturbed her hushed repose, save the roaring 
of the mighty cataract. In the distance the full moon 
hung pale and timid ; while, through the mist that 
covered Scott's little band, a full rainbow broke forth, 
as though presaging coming victory. 

But peace was soon broken. Small as was his 
army, Scott hesitated not to hurl it against the haughty 
legions of Britain. The occasional firing of skir- 
mishers was heard first ; then the tramping of com- 
panies ; the shouts of officers ; the rolling of mus- 
ketry ; the thundering of cannon ; and then one crash 
of sounds that shook the air and woods around, and 
drowned even the roarings of Niagara. Death 
laughed triumphantly over that riot, and tall forms 
that had recklessly dared every climate, and every 
hardship, sunk down by scores, like weeds before the 
scythe of the mower. The sun went down ; yet, heed- 
less of aught around, the mad combatants continued 
their work. At the first sight of the enemy, Scott 
had sent information of their force and position to 
General Brown, and one messenger after another 
was seen sweeping along the road that communi- 
cated between the two officers. A handful was 



532 SECOND WAR WITH ENGLAND. 

wrestling for victory with fearful odds; and there, 
under the eye of Scott, they held the envied treasure 
in their hands, until reinforcements arrived. 

Meanwhile, having heard the noise of battle, Gen- 
eral Brown was hurrying on the second brigade, with 
all the artillery, to Scott's assistance. As he was 
himself hurrying forward he met Major Jones, assist- 
ant adjutant-general, who was bringing a message 
from Genera] Scott, that he had met the enemy. 
Pushing forward, he met Major Wood, who reported 
the obstinacy of the battle; and soon after, while 
turning the wood, the whole scene burst on his 
view. Anxious to relieve Scott's exhausted brigade, 
the commander interposed a new line between that 
general's and the British ; while the latter posted their 
artillery upon a hill which commanded the field, and 
was the key of all operations. The momentary 
pause necessary for the completion of these move- 
ments was soon interrupted ; the battle grew hotter 
and deeper ; and the bosom of night was lighted up 
by the flashing of bayonets, and glaring of artillery. 

At length the enemy's artillery became so destruc- 
tive that it became necessary to storm its position on 
the hill. The duty was assigned to Colonel Miller, 
escorted by General Scott. Amid all the horrors of 
that dark conflict, no duty was so hazardous, so 
terrible as this. On those devoted men moved, while 
blazing batteries were glaring before them, and the 
balls ploughing and riddling their ranks. Over mounds 
and ridges they pressed, their colonel in front, and 
General Scott pioneering them through every danger. 
More and more loud those guns pealed on, until all 



BATTLE OF NIAGARA. 535 

intermission ceased, and all else was swallowed up in 
one wide flash, one deafening roar. The first regi- 
ment under Ripley had already given way ; but no- 
thing could stop the intrepid assailants. They reached 
the work. Waving his sword, Miller leaped on the 
parapet, and instantly his comrades closed round him. 
Then the cannon ceased; bayonet clashed against 
bayonet, and all was still. It was an eloquent silence ; 
and friends below were racking with intense anxiety. 
On that summit General Brown was anxiously gazing. 
All his hopes hung there. Suddenly there arose one 
long wild shout. The batteries had been silenced, the 
enemy driven off, and the' key of their position secured. 
Then friends below united their huzzas with those 
above, carrying terror to the bosoms of the British. 
A second pause now succeeded the din of war; and 
then began the final struggle. Charge after charge 
was made on the gallant Miller ; but still he held his 
troops to their posts, and flung back the shattered 
columns of Britain in bleeding masses. Again they 
would advance, and again retreat, until the ground 
was strewed with dead and dying. On the plains, 
horse, infantry, artillery, friend and foe, were mingled 
in sickening disorder. Companies were trampled by 
their own cavalry, and commanders were frequently 
leading the squadrons of their enemy. A black pall 
of smoke shut out all light, and showers of iron hail 
were flying at random among friend and foe. Generals 
Brown and Scott were severely wounded, a general 
killed, together with many officers on both sides killed 
or wounded. At midnight the enemy retreated. The 
battle of Niagara was finished. 




BATTLE OF NEW ORLEANS. 



EAVING unnoticed, from 
the scantiness of our 
limits, a number of mili- 
tary achievements during 
the brilliant campaign of 
1814, we have only space 
to give a brief sketch of 
the great battle of New 

Orleans, before passing to the recent achievements of 

our armies in Mexico. 

General Jackson's hard service in the Creek war 

of 1813-14 had given him not only experience, but 




BATTLE OF NEW ORLEANS. 537 

increased confidence in his own remarkable abilities. 
His decision of character was nobly evinced in his 
summary treatment of the Spanish authorities in 
Florida, as well as in the strong measures which he 
took for the prevention of treason, and for the defence 
of New Orleans. The action of the 23d of December 
was of immense importance, in daunting the enemy, 
and gaining time for defensive operations, and the 
arrival of reinforcements ; the last of which, two 
thousand five hundred Kentuckians, arrived on the 
4th of January, 1815. 

On the night of the 7th, with infinite labour, the 
British succeeded in getting their boats into the Mis- 
sissippi, by widening and deepening the channel of the 
bayou, from which they had about two weeks before 
effected their disembarkation. Though these opera- 
tions were not unperceived, it was not in Jackson's 
power to impede them by a general attack : the nature 
of the troops under his command, mostly militia, ren- 
dering it too hazardous to attempt extensive offensive 
movements in an open country, against a numerous 
and well-disciplined army. Although his forces, as to 
number, had been increased by the arrival of the 
Kentucky division, his strength had received very little 
addition ; a small portion only of that detachment 
being provided with arms. Compelled thus to wait 
the attack of the enemy, Jackson, however, took every 
measure to repel it when it should be made, and to 
defeat the object in view. 

Early in the morning of the 8th, the enemy, after 
throwing a heavy shower of bombs and congreve 
rockets, advanced their columns on the right and left 



538 SECOND WAR WITH ENGLAND. 

to storm the intrenchments on the left bank of the 
Mississippi, throwing over a considerable force in his 
boats at the same time to the right bank. The in- 
trenchments on the right bank were occupied by- 
General Morgan, with the New Orleans contingent, 
the Louisiana militia, and a strong detachment of the 
Kentucky troops; General Jackson, with the Ten- 
nessee and the remainder of the Kentucky militia, 
occupied the works on the left bank. 

The columns of the enemy advanced in good order 
towards Jackson's intrenchments, the men shoulder- 
ing their muskets, and all carrying fascines, and some 
with ladders. The batteries now opened an incessant 
fire on the British columns, which continued to advance 
in pretty good order, until, in a few minutes, the mus- 
ketry of the militia, joining their fire with that of the 
artillery, began to make an impression on them, which 
soon threw them into confusion. At this time the noise 
of the continued rolling fire resembled the concussion of 
tremendous peals of thunder. For some time the Bri- 
tish officers succeeded in animating the courage of their 
troops, although every discharge from the batteries 
opened the columns, mowing down whole files, which 
were almost instantaneously replaced by new troops 
coming up close after the first : but these also shared 
the same fate, until at last, after twenty-five minutes 
continued firing, through which a few platoons ad- 
vanced to the edge of the ditch, the columns broke 
and retreated in confusion. 

A second attack was received in the same manner. 
The British were forced to retreat, with an immense 
loss. But vain was the attempt of the officers to 



BATTLE OF NEW ORLEANS. 541 

bring them up a third time. The soldiers were insen- 
sible to everything but danger, and saw nothing but 
death, which had struck so many of their comrades. 

Near the commencement of the attack, General 
Packenham, the British commander-in-chief, lost his 
life at the head of his troops, and soon after Generals 
Keane and Gibbs were carried off the field dangerously 
wounded. A great many other officers of rank fell, 
and the plain between the front line of the British and 
the American works, a distance of four hundred yards, 
was literally covered with the enemy's dead and 
wounded. At this time General Jackson's loss was 
only seven killed and six wounded. 

The entire destruction of the British army had 
now been inevitable, had not the militia on the right 
bank of the river ingloriously fled. Commodore Pat- 
terson, who commanded the batteries, was of course 
forced to abandon them, after spiking his guns. This 
changed the aspect of affairs. The enemy now occu- 
pied a position from which he could annoy Jackson, 
and by means of which he might defeat, in a great 
measure, the effects of the success of the Americans 
on the other side of the river. It became, therefore, 
an object of the first consequence to dislodge him as 
soon as possible. For this object, all the means 
which Jackson could with any safety use, were put 
in preparation. But so great had been the loss of the 
British on the left bank, that they were not able to 
hold the position which they had gained on the right 
bank without jeoparding the safety of the whole army. 
The troops were therefore withdrawn, and Jackson 
immediately regained the lost position. 
46 



542 SECOND WAR WITH ENGLAND. 

The spirit of vengeance, which marked the conduct 
of the British during the campaign, was manifested 
even in this battle, although they suffered so signal a 
defeat. After their repulse on the left bank, numbers 
of the American troops, prompted merely by senti- 
ments of humanity, went, of their own accord, in 
front of their lines, to assist the wounded British, 
to give them drink, and to carry them within the lines. 
While they were thus employed, they were actually 
fired upon, and several killed. Yet the others, regard- 
less of the danger, persevered in their laudable pur- 
pose. This instance of baseness may have proceeded 
from individuals ; nor would it in common cases be 
presumed, that the men were ordered to fire by their 
officers : but if the fact be, as has been repeatedly as- 
serted without contradiction, that the watchword of 
the day was the significant words " beauty and booty" 
no charge would seem too atrocious for belief against 
the British commanders. 

The total loss of the Americans in this action on 
both sides of the river, was thirteen killed, thirty-nine 
wounded, and nineteen missing. The British acknow- 
ledge a loss of two hundred and ninety-three killed, 
twelve hundred and sixty-seven wounded, and four 
hundred and eighty-four missing. About one thousand 
stand of arms of different descriptions were taken by 
the Americans. 




General Taylor 



BATTLE OF PALO ALTO. 




REVIOUS to the exist- 
ing war with Mexico, 
the arms of the United 
States have met with 
varied fortunes; some- 
^pT. times successful and 
Ilk, sometimes exposed to 
heavy disasters. But 



544 WAR WITH MEXICO. 

the present war has been one of unvaried triumph. 
In every action where our brave soldiers have met 
the enemy, victory has perched upon their banners. 

The first of these brilliant actions, that of Palo 
Alto, is thus described by Captain Henry, in his 
eloquent and interesting " Campaign Sketches :" 

The following was the order of our line of battle : 
The right wing, commanded by Colonel Twiggs, was 
composed of the 5th infantry on the right, Ringgold's 
artillery, the 3d infantry, Churchill's eighteen-pound 
battery, and 4th infantry. Left wing, commanded by 
Brevet Lieutenant-Colonel Belknap, composed of 
Duncan's artillery — the artillery companies serving 
as infantry — and the 8th infantry. Ringgold's and 
Duncan's batteries were immediately advanced, and 
opened their fires. The firing of the enemy was in- 
cessant, although not very accurate. The enemy's 
line of battle was along and in advance of the 
chapparal. Their cavalry (lancers) were on the left, 
then a battery, then masses of infantry, then a battery, 
masses of infantry, another battery, and again masses 
of infantry. Their position had been deliberately 
assumed, knowing where we would pass the road. 
The fire of the gallant Ringgold's battery on our 
right told with deadly effect upon their mass of 
cavalry ; platoons appeared to be mowed down at a 
time. The two eighteen-pounders carried death and 
destruction with them. The cavalry soon found it 
was getting too warm for them, and commenced 
moving off, by a flank movement to the left, in a trot, 
and were tickled into a gallop by a discharge of the 
eighteens. Their flank movement threatened our 



BATTLE OF PALO ALTO. 545 

train, and was promptly met by the movement of 
a section of Ringgold's battery under Lieutenant 
Ridgely, the 5th and 3d infantry. The strength of 
this body of cavalry was computed at one thousand, 
and, therefore, was a formidable demonstration. The 
5th received them in square, and from the fire of 
an angle vacated twenty saddles. Some of them still 
passed on, until they saw the 3d advancing in column 
by division, when they rapidly retreated. Lieutenant 
Ridgely performed excellent service with his pieces. 
He aimed and fired a shell, which struck a lancer 
about the middle, and exploded simultaneously with 
the blow, making one mangled mass of horse and 
rider. 

Thus the battle progressed on our right. On 
the left, the gallant Duncan was pouring in a most 
destructive fire. Each shot seemed to take effect ; 
and, as our men saw the execution, their cries of 
triumph mingled with the cannon's roar. The fire 
of the enemy upon our left was more galling; the 
8th infantry, particularly, suffered, having been kept 
in column, instead of being deployed in line. The 
regiments of artillery and infantry, and squadrons of 
dragoons, stood firm as veterans, ready to support 
our batteries. The prairie took fire, and the burning 
of the long, rank grass, sent up columns of smoke, 
which at times concealed the opposing forces. The 
cannonading commenced at three P. M., and ceased 
for a short time at four P. M. 

In the meantime, a masterly movement to the 
right, to outflank the enemy, was being executed. 
Ringgold's battery and the eighteen-pounders were 

46* Mm 



546 WAR WITH MEXICO. 

pushed forward toward the left flank of the enemy. 
The 4th infantry and 1st brigade moved up to their 
support. As soon as the firing recommenced, the 
enemy were forced to change their line of battle. 
Lieutenant Duncan, under cover of the smoke, con- 
ceived and executed a brilliant flank movement on the 
enemy's right. He advanced with his battery, and 
suddenly debouched and poured in a galling enfilading 
fire upon their right flank; it was thrown into the 
utmost confusion. His shells and shrapnell shot told 
with murderous effect. At this moment, if a charge 
had been made, so great was the confusion of the 
enemy, the whole field would have been swept ; but 
the general felt bound to protect his train, and feared 
any movement which would have laid it open to an 
attack. As night approached the fire of the enemy 
slackened, and it ceased on both sides with the setting 
sun. We had driven the enemy from his position, 
and forced him to retire. We encamped as victors 
upon the field of battle. The last rays of the setting 
sun tinned with a golden light the clouds of battle that 
hung heavily over the field of carnage; the weary 
army rested on their arms, and slept sweetly on the 
prairie grass. 

Our loss was wonderfully small. Nine killed, forty- 
four wounded, and two missing. Major Ringgold, 
Captain Page, Lieutenants Luther, 2d artillery, and 
Wallen, 4th infantry, were wounded. Major Ring- 
gold received a shot while seated on his horse, which 
carried away the flesh on his legs from his knees up, 
and passed through the withers of his thorough-bred 
charger, " David Branch ;" of this wound he died 



BATTLE OF PALO ALTO. 



547 



the next day. Captain Page had his lower jaw shot 
off; Lieutenant Luther was wounded in the calf 
of the leg, and Lieutenant Wallen very slightly 
in the arm; Captain Bliss, assistant adjutant-general, 
had his horse shot under him ; likewise Lieutenant 
Daniels of the 2d artillery. The wounds of the 
men were very severe, most of them requiring 
amputation of some limb. The surgeon's saw was 
going the livelong night, and the groans of the poor 
sufferers were heart-rending. Too much praise can- 
not be bestowed upon our medical officers for their 
devotion and prompt action. It was a sad duty for 
them. The enemy, commanded by General Arista, 
were six thousand strong ; we were two thousand two 
hundred and eleven ; only the difference of three 
thousand one hundred and one, and they in a selected 
position. Singular to relate, the battle of Palo Alto 
(tall timber) was fought on the spot which General 
Taylor predicted when he first passed over the ground. 




Death of Ringgold. 




Captain Walker. 



BATTLE OF RESACA DE LA PALMA. 




EAL actors in a battle describe 

it with more vividness than can 

possibly be done by the historian 

in his study. Captain Henry's 

account of the battle of Resaca 

de la Palma is an illustration of 

this remark. After the battle 

of Palo Alto, he says that the dragoons and 

Captain Walker's company of volunteers, 

thrown out in advance, soon returned and reported 

the chapparal free, and the enemy in full retreat 



BATTLE OF RESACA DE LA PALMA. 551 

along the road. His description of the battle of the 
9th of May is as follows : 

About one P. M. the army resumed its march. 
When we first halted, Captain G. A. M'Call had been 
sent in advance, with one hundred picked men, to 
scour the chapparal and watch the progress of the 
enemy. Captain C. F. Smith, of the artillery, with his 
battalion of light companies of the 1st brigade, fol- 
lowed. We proceeded through the chapparal to 
within three miles of the fort, when word was passed 
to the rear that the enemy were in force, and in a 
selected position. The advance under Captain M'Call 
had discovered them, and after a spirited brush, re- 
tired, agreeably to orders, to await the arrival of the 
main body. There was not a moment's hesitation; 
our brave general determined to give them immediate 
battle. Our troops filed past the train, and deployed 
as skirmishers to the right and left of the road. Cap- 
tain M'CalPs command was ordered by the general 
" to advance and draw the fire of the enemy." Nobly 
did they perform that terrible service. 

The enemy, occupying the opposite bank of a 
ravine, concave toward us, had planted their batteries 
to rake the road, and every approach (few in number) 
through the almost impenetrable chapparal. The fire 
of the enemy was drawn by the advance. Lieutenant 
Ridgely, fit successor to the gallant Ringgold, was 
ordered forward with his battery. The struggle for 
victory then commenced. The artillery of the enemy 
swept the ground with their grape and canister; 
Lieutenant Ridgely returned it with murderous effect. 
Masses of their infantry, lining the banks of the 



552 WAR WITH MEXICO. 

ravine, and pressing forward into the chapparal, were 
met by our skirmishers on the left with a gallantry 
and determination, on both sides, rarely equalled. 
Repeatedly were bayonets crossed, the enemy giving 
way slowly, and fighting for every inch of the ground. 
The 4th, 5th, 8th, and part of the 3d were on the left, 
and engaged in this sanguinary struggle. Owing to 
the dense chapparal, the regiments became mixed, but 
fought not the less severely. The enemy clung to 
their batteries with the greatest pertinacity. Ridgely's 
artillery thundered in reply. This gallant officer, in 
one of his daring advances, had only one piece unlim- 
bered, when he was charged by a body of lancers, 
who came dashing down upon him like thunder, when 
Sergeant Kearnes put a load of canister on the top 
of a shell and fired it; this scattered them all but 
four, who still dashed along. Lieutenant Ridgely 
charged them in person, and drove them off. 

Captain May rode back to the general, and asked 
if he should charge the battery on the opposite side of 
the ravine. " Charge, captain, nolens volens /" was 
the reply ; and away dashed the gallant fellow. As 
he passed Ridgely's battery, Ridgely exclaimed, " Hold 
on, Charley, till I draw their fire /" and it is well for 
May that he partially succeeded. Away dashed this 
gallant squadron down the ravine; Lieutenant Inge 
fell, and many of their saddles were vacated. On went 
the rest ; crossed the ravine, and captured the battery. 
Captain Graham's company was associated with May's 
in this memorable charge. General La Vega, stand- 
ing at his battery to the last, was taken prisoner by 
May, and passed to the rear. 



BATTLE OF RESACA DE LA PALMA. 553 

On the right of the road, where the 3d deployed, 
no enemy was met ; but the regiment so far outflanked 
them as to be in danger of fires from our own batteries. 
The density of the chapparal was such that they could 
not make their way through, but were forced to return, 
in order to get into the action. They reached the 
ravine just after the desperate charge of the infantry 
(in which the 8th was so conspicuous) had completely 
routed the enemy. Immediately after their batteries 
were captured, Duncan came up with his battery and 
took the advance. The dragoons, 3d infantry, and 
Captain Smith's command, were ordered to support the 
artillery. The enemy were in full retreat. On we all 
pushed, hemmed in a narrow road by a dense chappa- 
ral on each side, the artillery advancing and pouring 
in its bloody fire, and clearing the road. About two 
hundred yards from the ravine we came upon the camp 
of the enemy. It was already captured and deserted. 
To this point the gallant Barbour had fearlessly ad- 
vanced with his company of the 3d infantry, and, un- 
aided, successfully resisted a desperate charge of 
cavalry: the empty saddles, and horses writhing in 
the agony of death, marked the spot where the struggle 
occurred. 

The huge packs of the enemy were arranged with 
great regularity upon the ground ; mules, some with 
packs, were scattered about ; beeves were killed, their 
camp-fires lighted, and their meals cooking. They 
evidently expected to have been undisturbed that night. 
On, on we went, keeping up a run, and yelling like 
mad ! The enemy now and then gave symptoms of a 
stand, but were driven on, scattering themselves in the 
47 



554 WAR WITH MEXICO. 

chapparal, and availing themselves of every trail that 
led to the river. We neared the lines of our old 
camp; our cheers reached high heaven, when they 
were suddenly silenced by three shots from an eighteen- 
pounder, which came very near killing some of our 
men. The first impression was that our friends had 
mistaken us for the enemy, and were firing at us from 
the fort ; but we soon ascertained the shots came from 
the city.* The enemy fled in every direction, and 
many were drowned in their attempts to swim the 
river. It was a perfect rout, " horse, foot, and dra- 
goons." 

* The artillery battalion, under Colonel Childs, remained in rear to 
guard the train, and thus reduced our fighting force to one thousand 
seven hundred. 




Colonel Jack Hays. 



CAPTURE OF MONTEREY. 



EFORE his arrival in the neigh- 
bourhood of Monterey, with the 
army of occupation, General 
Taylor received frequent intima- 
tions from Mexican deserters, 
that the city would be surren- 
dered without a struggle. But 
on approaching it, he discovered 
that the most strenuous exertions had been 

made for putting it in a state of defence. 

47* 




558 WAR WITH MEXICO. 

Here, then, was an enterprise worthy of Taylor's 
genius. He was to capture, with six thousand men, 
and but a single piece of artillery suitable for a siege, a 
strongly fortified city, with a garrison of twelve thou- 
sand men, apparently determined to resist to the last. 
He was not long in taking his resolution. Approaching 
the city from the east, he perceived that it was 
commanded by fortified heights on the northwest. 
He therefore detached General Worth with a compe- 
tent force to storm these heights, while, with the main 
body of the army, he should make a diversion in his 
favour on the eastern side. Our limits will permit 
only a sketch or two of detached portions of the 
siege. But these sketches are thrilling. The follow- 
ing account of a cavalry charge made by a portion 
of General Worth's division on the 21st of September, 
1846, is from the "Scouting Expeditions" of S. C. 
Reid, Jr., Esq. : 

As the day gradually dawned on the 21st of Sep- 
tember, the soft gleams of light presented to our view 
the surrounding mountains, vales, and hills, clothed in 
samite green. The hallowed stillness of the hour 
seemed to proclaim eternal peace, and as we cast our 
eye towards Independence Hill, we half doubted that 
only on the evening of the day before, we had heard 
from its summit the booming roar of its battery. The 
men were awakened from their slumbers, and without 
breakfast were ordered to renew the line of march. 
All wet as we were, we mounted into the saddle, 
M'Culloch's company taking the advance, followed 
by the whole regiment of rangers, while the remainder 
of the division came up in close order of battle. We 



CAPTURE OF MONTEREY. 559 

had proceeded about a mile and a half, when at a turn 
in the road, near a hacienda, called San Jeronimo, we 
came in full view of the enemy's forces, cavalry and 
infantry, numbering about fifteen hundred, drawn up 
in battle array. The Saltillo road, and the corn-fields 
near it, seemed filled with infantry. The head of our 
column was immediately halted, and Colonel Hays's 
regiment ordered to deploy by company to the right, 
and dismount; which we did, forming into a small 
gulley. The light companies of the 1st brigade, 
under Captains C. F. Smith and J. B. Scott, supported 
us with Duncan's light artillery, followed by the bat- 
talions and heads of columns. Thus drawn up in 
order of battle, the two forces stood eyeing each 
other, at the distance of two hundred yards, when 
they approached slowly and opened a fire from their 
escopets, the battery on Independence Hill at the same 
time opening on the column. The rangers were now 
ordered to mount, advance upon the enemy, and take 
position by the fence, on the road-side, when they 
returned the enemy's fire with their rifles, and then 
dismounted under cover of the fence. M'Culloch 
being on the extreme right, did not get this order in 
time, and, seeing the lancers preparing for a charge, 
gallantly led up his men to meet them. On they 
came, at a full gallop, led by their brave lieutenant- 
colonel, Juan N. Najera, in dashing style, with pennons 
of green and red fluttering in the wind. M'Culloch 
received them with a leaden rain of rifles, pistols, and 
shot-guns ; while the Texans at the fence poured in 
upon them a deadly fire. The clash was great, and 
at the shock the host moved to and fro as the forest 



560 WAR WITH MEXICO. 

bends beneath the storm. But our horses were too 
powerful to be overcome ; and many were made the 
empty saddles that had borne the enemy's bravest 
men. We saw their lieutenant-colonel fall, while in 
the thickest of the fight, and exhorting his men to 
rally and stand firm. He was a tall, splendid-looking 
fellow, with a fierce moustache, and beautiful teeth, 
which were set hard, as he lay on the ground with his 
face partly turned up, his eyes yet glassy in the struggle 
of death, and his features depicting the most marked 
determination. M'Culloch's men were now engaged 
hand to hand with the enemy's lancers, using their 
five-shooters, while some few beat back the enemy 
with their swords. We were at this time within three 
hundred yards of the Saltillo road, with a corn-field 
on our left, and a high hill on our right. 

The light companies, in the mean time, and Duncan's 
artillery, had opened their fire ; and the enemy were 
borne back with great slaughter, carrying with them 
a portion of M'Culloch's men, who had fought their 
way nearly to the enemy's centre, and, seeing their 
peril, were fighting their way back. Then it was that 
the hardest struggle took place. Armstrong, one of 
our company, was unhorsed by a lancer, having re- 
ceived two wounds ; yet on foot, with sword in hand, 
he defended himself against two of the enemy. He 
killed one, when an Irishman, from the artillery bat- 
talion, discovered his situation, and saying that he did 
not know whether he had bvck or ball in, as he drew 
up his musket, but that he had better kill them both 
than miss the Mexican, fired, and saved the ranger ! 
Fielding Alston, and J. F. Minter, also of our company, 



CAPTURE OF MONTEREY. 561 

while fighting gallantly, received two lance wounds. 
Young Musson, of New Orleans, who had joined our 
corps, was engaged, at the same time, with a captain 
of cavalry, hand to hand, in a sword-fight, and at one 
time became very nearly overpowered ; when asked 
why he did not shoot his foe, he replied, with true 
southern chivalry, that " the Mexican had no pistol, 
and it would have been taking an advantage over 
him !" As another of our men was being overcome 
by a Mexican, the gallant Captain Cheshire, a private 
in the rangers, dashed up to his rescue, and having no 
fire, seized a holster pistol, and, with the butt-end of 
it, felled the Mexican to the ground. 

M'Culloch had been twice borne back with the 
Mexicans, and making a desperate struggle to gain 
his company, he put his horse to his speed, running 
everything down in his way, and regained his com- 
mand without a scratch ! The Mexicans had taken to 
the hills ; and the regular skirmishers, or light com- 
panies, under Captains Smith and Scott, continued 
their fire over our heads, killing by accident one of 
the rangers. About this time, Captain Gutierrez, of 
the enemy's cavalry, who had received three wounds, 
was also killed ; he died fighting to the last, one of 
the most courageous of his race. As the Mexicans 
gave way, the light companies rushed up the hills, 
firing over the ridge at the retreating enemy, who 
were routed and flying in every direction. 





General Worth. 



BATTLE IN THE STREETS OF MONTEREY. 



APTURING one fort after 

another, General Worth 

finally penetrated into the 

streets of Monterey. One 

of the many terrible scenes which 

ensued, is thus described by an 

eye-witness, Mr. Reid : 

Every street was barricaded 
with heavy works of masonry, the walls 
being some three or four feet thick, with em- 
■£ brasures for one or more guns, which raked the 




STREET-FIGHT IN MONTEREY. 565 

streets ; the walls of gardens and sides of houses were 
all loopholed for musketry ; the tops of the houses were 
covered with troops, who were sheltered behind para- 
pets, some four feet high, upon which were piled sand- 
bags for their better protection, and from which they 
showered down a hurricane of balls. 

Between three and four o'clock, from the cessation 
of the fire in the opposite direction, it was evident that 
the enemy had become disengaged, which enabled 
them to draw off men and guns to our side, as their 
fire had now become almost doubly increased. The 
street-fight became appalling — both columns were now 
closely engaged with the enemy, and steadily advanced 
inch by inch — our artillery was heard rumbling over 
the paved streets, galloping here and there, as the 
emergency required, and pouring forth a blazing fire 
of grape and ball — volley after volley of musketry, 
and the continued peals of artillery became almost 
deafening — the artillery of both sides raked the streets, 
the balls striking the houses with a terrible crash, 
while amid the roar of battle were heard the battering 
instruments used by the Texans. Doors were forced 
open, walls were battered down — entrances made 
through the longitudinal walls, and the enemy driven 
from room to room, and from house to house, followed 
by the shrieks of women, and the sharp crack of the 
Texan rifles. Cheer after cheer was heard in proud 
and exulting defiance, as the Texans or regulars 
gained the housetops by means of ladders, while they 
poured in a rain of bullets upon the enemy on the op- 
posite houses. It was indeed a most strange and 
novel scene of warfare. 



566 WAR WITH MEXICO. 

The column of Colonel Child's sustained a dreadful 
fire in the plaza, and while forcing its way up the 
streets. Amid this storm of destruction, the daring 
and noble Captain R. C. Gatlin, of the 7th infantry, 
was severely wounded in the arm, while gallantly 
leading on his company. This column had now 
moved forward two squares, both sides of the plaza 
being occupied by our troops; while Walker's Texans 
were working their way towards the enemy through 
that line of buildings, by means of pickaxes and their 
rifles. Captains Scriven, of the 8th, and Merrill, of 
the 5th, had advanced so far as to gain a line of build- 
ings to the east, and were driving the enemy before 
them. The two companies of the 5th were com- 
manded by Lieutenants D. H. M'Phail and P. A. 
Farrelly, the latter the youngest officer in the regiment 
(Lieutenant Rossell, the commanding officer of his 
company, being wounded), who maintained this ad- 
vanced position, keeping up a fire upon the enemy, 
occupying the houses in the vicinity and in the next 
street beyond, which was used by the enemy as the 
principal thoroughfare to the citadel. This position 
was gallantly held until dark, when Captain Merrill 
retired to occupy the college building for the night. 

The column on the next street, under Brigadier- 
General Smith, was at the same time heard in desperate 
conflict with the enemy. Captain Holmes, with the 
Texans under Colonel Hays, had pushed their way 
with crowbars and pickaxes, through houses and 
garden walls, under a continuous heavy fire of grape, 
shot, and musketry, until they came within point-blank 
range of the enemy in the Cathedral plaza. Captains 



STREET-FIGHT IN MONTEREY. 567 

R. H. Ross and G. R. Paul, with two companies of the 
7th, had taken post in a redoubt on the left bank of the 
river, which they bravely held under the heavy fire of 
the enemy. During the engagement, Lieutenant F. 
Gardner led the advance of the 7th, with ladders and 
pickaxes for the scaling parties. At one time, all his 
men at the ladders were either killed or wounded, 
himself and Quartermaster Sergeant Henry alone 
escaping. Lieutenant N. J. T. Dana at the same 
time rendered valuable service. The 7th infantry lost 
one killed and eight wounded. The Texans, well used 
to this mode of warfare, were picking off the Mexicans 
at every chance, from behind the walls and parapets. 
The batteries of Duncan and Mackall did great exe- 
cution, and sustained a considerable loss in horses. 
Late in the afternoon, Major Brown's command was 
ordered up from the mill; just previous to which, 
however, they had fallen in with and driven back the 
advance guard of a large escort of seven hundred pack- 
mules, laden with flour, and bizcochos, or hard biscuit, 
for the besieged army. Great was the enemy's sur- 
prise to meet with the American forces on the Saltillo 
road, and greater still to see our flag displaying its 
folds on the captured heights. On entering the city, 
the command of Major Brown was soon under fire, 
Lieutenant J. F. Irons doing good execution with his 
piece of artillery. Towards night, Captain Chapman, 
of the 5th, with his company, moved down from the 
height with the captured gun, and crossing the river, 
brought it over to the Bishop's Palace. 

" The flag of the Spanish consul," says Mr. Ken- 
dall, " flying in Morelos street, near the post-office, 



568 WAR WITH MEXICO. 

was pierced in a hundred places ; the iron bow-windows 
of the houses, which projected but a few inches into 
the streets, were torn and rent asunder by round-shot. 
The city had been partially deserted by the inhabitants : 
still many women were seen in the doorways, and in 
the streets, and even where the battle was raging, 
freely offering our men oranges and other fruits. 
Frightened out of their senses, they yet seemed im- 
pressed with the belief that we were to conquer, and 
thus attempted to propitiate our protection and good 
will. Many ladies, too, of the better class — the wives 
and daughters of civil functionaries and merchants, as 
well as officers of the army — remained in their houses, 
determined to abide the issue of the siege. In one 
room, in particular, into which our men had picked 
an entrance through a wall of massive thickness, a 
large number of females were found. They were 
alarmed to a degree that was painful, filled, as their 
ears had been, with lying stories of the brutality of 
the Americans of the North, as our people are called 
by the Mexicans, and it was with the greatest difficulty 
that they could be assured of their safety." 

We had now gained the possession of the city, on 
the west side, to within one square of the Cathedral 
plaza, where the Mexican forces were concentrated, 
having also carried a large building in the Plaza de 
Carne, which overlooked the principal defences in the 
city, on the roof of which were placed, during the 
night, two howitzers, for the purpose of raking the 
house-tops on the morrow. 

" It was not until the sun was down," continues 
Mr. Kendall, " and darkness had covered the scene, 



STREET-FIGHT IN MONTEREY. 569 

that the battle ceased — not until it was impossible to 
distinguish friend from foe, that the conflict in the 
least abated. General Smith now sent a communica- 
tion to General Worth, to the effect that he could hold 
all his positions during the night, and it was imme- 
diately determined upon to withdraw none of the 
troops save such of the Texans as were with Hays on 
the river side of the town. Even these would not 
have been called back had not their horses needed at- 
tention, and had not some of them been required for 
picket-guards, and other duty in the rear. But al- 
though the active conflict had ceased, the troops in the 
city did not rest from their labours. A bakery — El 
Panaderia del Gallo — which was located immediately 
at General Smith's position, and under fire of the 
enemy, was set in active operation by Lieutenant 
Hanson, one of his aids, and furnished batch after 
batch of bread during the night for the half-famished 
men." 

Such is Mr. Reid's account of the Street-Fight. 
General Taylor, meanwhile, had penetrated the city 
on the eastern side ; and the enemy, finding themselves 
cooped up in the grand plaza, and subjected to a 
shower of shells from the besiegers, capitulated, on 
terms which, though questioned at the time, are now 
considered the best that the circumstances of the case 
permitted. The triumph of the American arms was 
complete. 

48* 




Santa Anna. 



THRILLING SCENES IN THE BATTLE OF 
BUENA VISTA. 



N the battle of Buena Vista, where 
Santa Anna in person commanded 
the enemy, many events occurred 
of the most thrilling character. 
To describe a hundredth part of 
them in detail would far exceed our 
limits — to describe this memorable battle so as to do 




BATTLE OF BUENA VISTA. 571 

justice to those engaged in it, would fill a bulky 
volume. We are compelled, therefore, to limit our 
selves to a few sketches. 

In one of those dark moments when the fortunes 
of Buena Vista seemed to be going against the 
Americans, M'Kee and Clay were detached with 
their Kentuckians to resist the onset of the enemy. 
They sprung to the charge like eagles, marching over 
the most rugged and broken ground with the greatest 
celerity. They were watched by General Taylor 
with intense solicitude ; for, should they retreat, the 
battle was lost. On they moved, until they entered 
a valley broken up by masses of stone and deep 
ravines, and exposed to the fire of the enemy. All 
at once a strange commotion was observed in their 
ranks. A hill concealed everything but their heads 
from the general, and these were observed swaying 
hither and thither, and scattering as if in flight. The 
commander rose upon his horse and bent forward 
with deep excitement. A flight became more and 
more evident, until he could no longer repress his 
emotion. Turning to his aid, Mr. Crittenden, who 
was standing near, he exclaimed, with startling 
energy: "Is this conduct for Kentuckians?" The 
aid was silent, and the general again bent his anxious 
gaze upon the faithless regiment. Suddenly his 
features relaxed, and a flush of pleasure swept over 
his aged face — they had emerged from the valley in 
perfect order, each gallant leader in his place, and 
pushing onward to the battle. Silently and steadily 
they moved under the fire of the enemy, until within 
musket-range, when one wide sheet of fire burst from 



572 WAR WITH MEXICO. 

their rifles, and the reeling ranks of Mexico announced 
that victory was once more with the Americans. At 
this sight the emotions of the general were too 
powerful to be controlled ; and tears of exulting 
patriotism coursed down his cheeks. 

But of those brave men who thus moved on to 
danger, under the deep determination to conquer, how 
many met danger for the last time ! The storm of 
that awful day passed by, and its thunder was hushed 
in the calmness of evening ; but in every ledge, and 
by every stone, the mangled sons of Kentucky lay 
cold and stiff, in the dream that knows no waking. 
The young heart that had that morning bounded with 
patriotism at the sight of the enemy, was now spilling 
its blood where no friend would ever pause over its 
grave. In the last charge, man after man fell before 
the Mexican cannon, until groups and masses lay 
piled upon each other over all the field. Colonel 
M'Kee fell, pierced with a mortal wound, and was 
subsequently hacked and mutilated by the bayonets 
of the enemy. Lieutenant-Colonel Clay was wounded 
in the leg, and sat down to die. But his brave men 
rushed from their ranks, and bore him in their arms. 
The enemy saw it, and poured on, yelling like fiends. 
Unmindful of themselves, the sorrowing soldiers bore 
their beloved leader onward, until the road became 
so rugged that it was impossible for two to walk 
together. " Leave me, soldiers," exclaimed the dying 
youth, " and take care of yourselves." Still they bore 
on, until their burden lowered from their exhausted 
limbs ; and, with a gushing of deepest sorrow, they 
left him on the field. The next moment the Mexicans 



BATTLE OF BUENA VISTA. 573 

were by his side. But honour was yet dear to him ; 
raising himself on one arm, he wielded his sword with 
a fury that for a moment held an army at bay. But 
at each motion the blood flowed faster from his 
wound, until he sunk exhausted. Then the enemy 
approached him, and a score of bayonets clashed 
together as they crossed in his lacerated frame. 

Such was the part taken by the Kentuckians in 
this tremendous battle. The Mississippians were not 
less distinguished. 

The most trying scene for that regiment was 
immediately after the retreat of Colonel Bowles's 
Indianians. At that time the battle was raging with 
a violence that shook earth and air for miles around. 
Cannon pealed after cannon, and thousands of muskets 
and small arms mingled together in one uninterrupted 
roar, while the neighbouring mountains broke and 
rolled back the heavy sound as it leaped from crag to 
crag. Colonel Davis was ordered to advance and 
support the Indiana regiment. Before him were the 
cavalry, with loosened reins and panting steeds, 
shouting from rank to rank, as they swept down upon 
the retreating regiments ; while on either side, columns 
of infantry were marching and countermarching, and 
raking the field with their rifles. But, cool and 
intrepid, the colonel rode to the front of his regiment 
and ordered them into line. They formed, and he 
galloped by the long-extended ranks, his eye ranging 
along every movement, until they had formed into 
two lines, which met in the form of a V, the opening 
toward the enemy. Nearer and nearer drew the 
Mexican steeds, until each rifleman trembled with 



574 WAR WITH MEXICO. 

excitement and impatience. Colonel Davis was silent 
Now their dresses could be distinguished, and the 
next moment their faces and features. High hopes 
and unbreathed fears were centred upon that little 
volunteer band, and the stern eye of the commanding 
general hung over them with an almost agonized 
intensity. All around them was clamour, and uproar, 
and the gushing of blood, and shrieks of mangled 
soldiers. Colonel Davis was silent. Would he retreat 
like the Indianians, or permit the enemy to crush him 
without resistance? Not long was the suspense. 
Sure of victory, each Mexican grasped his lance and 
heaved forward for the charge, when " Fire !" rang 
along the volunteers; a roar like thunder followed, 
and man after man sunk down in bloody heaps to the 
ground. Struck with dismay, the lacerated columns 
heaved back, and in mad confusion horse trod down 
horse, crushing wounded and dying beneath their 
hoofs, in the reckless rushings of retreat. It was a 
horrible moment ; and, when the pageant had passed 
away, heaps of mutilated beings were stretched along 
the ground, writhing in the extremities of agony. 
But a moment before they had been strong in life and 
hope ; now they were torn and trampled into the 
earth, while the blood was pouring from a dozen 
wounds, and the heart hurrying on to its last throb. 




American Fleet saluting the Castle after the surrender. 



BOMBARDMENT OF VERA CRUZ. 




HE 24th of March was as beautiful a day 
as had ever shone in the soft climate of 
Mexico. A previous norther had ren- 
dered the atmosphere cool and salubri- 
ous ; and the waters of the great gulf were as smooth 
and glassy as the surface of a lake. Toward even- 
ing the sun beamed with a mild and softened glow, 
lighting up the few fantastic clouds with vivid colour- 
ings, and capping the gray distant mountains with 
golden splendour. But the beautiful prospect was 
unheeded by the armed thousands, who all that day 



576 WAR WITH MEXICO. 

had been preparing for the terrible encounter. Occa- 
sionally a dull sound would roll from the castle, and 
echo amid the mountains like the breakings of thun- 
der; and then a headlong plunge would mark the 
falling of the ball ; but among the Americans all was 
silent, save the hum of busy preparation. 

As the afternoon wore on, the excitement on board 
the fleet became intense. Crowds thronged the decks 
and masts of the different vessels, until every spar, 
and every bow, and every rope was dense with life, 
each watching, with suppressed breathing, the arrange- 
ments of General Scott. At four o'clock, a loud roar 
from the beach told that the thrilling drama had 
opened ; and in a few minutes thick volleys of heavy 
shell were raining into Vera Cruz, tearing and crush- 
ing their way through roofs, walls, and barricades. 
The stern castle answered with her heavy guns, and 
poured forth shot after shot in haughty defiance, until 
the space between the batteries seemed like a pathway 
of liquid fire. Time wore on, the sun reached the 
western horizon, and his last dim ray seemed to 
linger in sadness over the furious maddenings of the 
sons of earth. But the combatants knew no pause ; 
and as the shades of evening gathered darker around, 
they only served to render still more stirring the work 
of death. 

The night bombardment was a scene grand even to 
sublimity. The volumes of smoke had concentrated 
into one dense mass, which hung over the Americans 
like a cloud. At every moment its sides would be 
broken, and a fiery ball leap out with a noise that 
shook every surrounding object, and after sparkling 



BOMBARDMENT OF VERA CRUZ. 579 

along its meteor-like track, would light among the 
houses and battlements of the city. Then would 
be heard the loud explosion, the crashing of houses, 
and the fall of walls and roofing, in the echoing streets. 
The batteries, forts, and mortars of both armies 
vomited forth unceasing discharges of fire, and the 
balls, as they crossed and recrossed each other in long 
fiery streams, along the dark sky-ground, presented a 
" sight unknown to quiet life." But there were feelings 
connected with that scene more powerful than even its 
sublimity. Crowds of helpless individuals were con- 
gregated in the houses, trembling at the horrors from 
which it was impossible to escape ; and often a heavy 
bomb would bear on through roof and walls, alight in 
the middle of a company, and explode, throwing arms, 
and legs, and mangled bodies against the surrounding 
buildings. Women and children, the young and the 
decrepid, were equally exposed with the soldier ; — no 
place was exempt from death. 

In the morning a naval battery was opened by 
Commodore Perry, and the bombardment became 
more severe than ever. It was answered by four 
Mexican batteries, whose precision of shot was the 
theme of universal admiration. In the course of this 
day the walls and fortifications of the city began to 
crumble, and a large part of their buildings was in 
ruins. On the 27th the distress was so great that 
terms of capitulation were offered, and the city finally 
surrendered. The scene within the walls was dis- 
tressing: churches and hospitals were crowded with 
the wounded and dying ; mangled corpses were lying 
in the streets ; and along the lanes, and within ditches, 



580 WAR WITH MEXICO. 

were mutilated beings, stretched on dead comrades, 
half-suffocated with dust and blood, and moaning for 
water. The proud spirit of the citizens had been 
humbled by danger and suffering ; and after the cap- 
ture many could be seen timidly watching from their 
windows the march of the American troops. In the 
second day of the bombardment many were without 
bread or meat, and reduced to a ration of beans, 
eaten at midnight by the fire issuing from showers of 
projectiles. By this time all the buildings from La 
Merced to the Parraquia were reduced to ashes, and 
the impassable streets filled with stones, ruins, and 
projectiles. The citizens had progressively removed 
to a side where, up to this time, less destruction had 
happened, taking shelter in the streets and entries in 
such numbers that there was only room to stand. But 
the third day the Americans alternately scattered their 
shot, and every spot became a place of danger. Who 
can tell the amount of suffering experienced by the 
desolate families, who, without hope, sleep, or food, 
were solely engaged in preserving their lives ? Most 
of those whose houses had been destroyed had lost 
everything — all the property remaining to them was 
the clothes on them ; and hundreds of persons who 
before relied upon certain incomes, now found them- 
selves without a bed to lie upon, without covering or 
clothing to shelter them, and without any victuals. 

Such was the bombardment and capture of Vera 
Cruz, by the iVmerican army. It was a sight splendid 
to the eye ; but to the heart it told tales of woe, of 
trial, and anguish, more deeply thrilling than could be 
eradicated by all the false and cruel pomp of war. 




BATTLE OF CERRO GORDO. 




IRECTLY after the surrender of Vera 
Cruz, General Scott advanced towards 
the Mexican capital. His next grand 
encounter with the enemy was at 
Cerro Gordo, or Sierra Gordo, where 
Santa Anna, with an immense force, strongly in- 
trenched, was prepared to oppose him. In the battle 
which ensued, General Twiggs bore a conspicuous 
part. An eye-witness thus describes his operations : 

On the 18th of April, 1847, General Twiggs was 
ordered forward from the position he had already cap- 
49* 



582 WAR WITH MEXICO. 

tured, against the fort which commanded the Cerro. 
Simultaneously an attack on the fortifications on the 
enemy's left was to be made by Generals Shields and 
Worth's division, who moved in separate columns, 
while General Pillow advanced against the strong 
forts and difficult ascents on the left of the enemy's 
position. The enemy, fully acquainted with General 
Scott's intended movement, had thrown large bodies 
of men into the various positions to be attacked. 
The most serious enterprise was that of Twiggs, who 
advanced against the main fort that commanded the 
Cerro. Nothing can be conceived more difficult than 
this undertaking. The steep and rough character of 
the ground, the constant fire of the enemy in front, 
and the cross fire of the forts and batteries which 
enfiladed our lines, made the duty assigned to General 
Twiggs one of surpassing difficulty. 

Nothing prevented our men from being utterly 
destroyed but the steepness of the ascent, under 
which they could shelter. But they sought no shelter, 
and onward rushed against a hailstorm of balls and 
musket-shot, led by the gallant Harney, whose noble 
bearing elicited the applause of the whole army. His 
conspicuous and stalwart frame at the head of his 
brigade, his long arm waving his men on to the 
charge, his sturdy voice ringing above the clash of 
arms and din of conflict, attracted the attention and 
admiration alike of the enemy and of our own men. 
On, on, he led the columns, whose front lines melted 
before the enemy's fire, like snow-flakes in a torrent, 
and stayed not their course until leaping over the rocky 
barriers, and bayoneting their gunners, they drove the 



BATTLE OF CERRO GORDO. 585 

enemy pell-mell from the fort, delivering a deadly fire 
into their ranks from their own guns, as they hastily 
retired. This was truly a gallant deed, worthy of the 
Chevalier Bayard of our army, as the intrepid Harney 
is well styled. General Scott, between whom and 
Colonel Harney there had existed some coolness, rode 
up to the colonel after this achievement, and remarked 
to him, "Colonel Harney, I cannot now adequately 
express my admiration of your gallant achievement, 
but at the proper time I shall take great pleasure in 
thanking you in proper terms." Harney, with the 
modesty of true valour, claimed the praise as due to 
his officers and men. Thus did the division of the 
gallant veteran, Twiggs, carry the main position of 
the enemy, and occupy the front which commanded 
the road. It was here the enemy received their 
heaviest loss, and their general, Vasquez, was killed. 
A little after, General Worth, having, by great exer- 
tions, passed the steep and craggy heights on the 
enemy's left, summoned a strong fort in the rear of 
the Cerro to surrender. This fort was manned by a 
large force under General Pinzon, a mulatto officer of 
considerable ability and courage, who, seeing the 
Cerro carried, thought prudent to surrender, which he 
did with all his force. General Shields was not so 
fortunate in the battery which he attacked, and which 
was commanded by General La Vega. A heavy fire 
was opened on him, under which the fort was carried 
with some loss by the gallant Illinoisians, under Baker 
and Bennett, supported by the New Yorkers, under 
Burnett. Among those who fell under this fire was 
the gallant general, who received a grape-shot through 



586 



WAR WITH MEXICO. 



his lungs, by which he was completely paralyzed, and 
reduced to a critical and dangerous state. On the 
enemy's right, General Pillow commenced the attack 
against the strong forts near the river. The Ten- 
nesseans, under Haskell, led the column, and the other 
volunteer regiments followed. This column unex- 
pectedly encountered a heavy fire from a masked bat- 
tery, by which Haskell's regiment was nearly cut to 
pieces, and the other volunteer regiments were severely 
handled. General Pillow withdrew his men, and was 
preparing for another attack, when the operations at 
the other points having proved successful, the enemy 
concluded to surrender. Thus the victory was com- 
plete, and four generals, and about six thousand men, 
were taken prisoners by our army. One of their 
principal generals and a large number of other officers 
were killed. The Mexican force on this occasion 
certainly exceeded our own. 




Guerillas plundering. 




BATTLES OF CONTRERAS AND CHURUBUSCO. 

FTER the battle of Cerro Gordo, 
General Scott remained for some 
time inactive, in the hope of re- 
ceiving reinforcements. His head- 
quarters were at Puebla. Mean- 
while the Mexicans, discouraged but 
not disheartened by their late disasters, were col- 
lecting another army, and fortifying the different 
entrances to the capital. When a small number of 
additional troops arrived, the American army left 
Puebla, on the 8th of August ; and, after a fatiguing 
march in an unhealthy season, reached Ayotla about 




588 WAR WITH MEXICO. 

the 12th. A reconnoissance now took place of the 
rocky fortification of El Pinon, which was found to 
be so well defended, both by nature and art, as to 
render an attack upon it eminently hazardous. An- 
other road was discovered, south of Lake Charles, 
opening into that from Vera Cruz, below Ayotla, and 
the old one abandoned. The march was a dreadful 
one. Heavy rains had filled the low places with 
water, through which the troops were often obliged 
to wade ; while in many places steep and towering 
heights were to be crossed, in the paths and gorges 
of which the enemy had rolled immense masses of 
stone. The nights were dark, wet, and dreary, and a 
damp and chilly rest succeeded the heavy labours of each 
day. On the 17th the advance reached San Augustin, 
a village about twelve miles south of the city, and 
was joined next day by the second division. General 
Worth advanced a division to take possession of a 
hacienda near the fortification of San Antonio, and 
preparatory to assaulting the latter place. The 
village was captured ; but, in a reconnoissance that 
ensued, a heavy discharge from a Mexican battery 
killed Captain Thornton, and wounded one or two 
others. An artillery squadron and battalion of 
infantry continued to hover round the redoubt, in 
hope of making a successful attack that afternoon ; 
but, towards evening, a heavy rain ensued, and 
General Scott thought proper to withdraw them. All 
night the hostile batteries frowned in gloomy silence 
upon this detachment ; had they opened with activity, 
it might have been forced to retire, or perhaps even 
been cut to pieces. 



CONTRERAS AND CHURUBUSCO. 589 

During the night, the divisions of Pillow and 
Twiggs marched toward the strong work of Con- 
treras, so as to take up a position for an assault on 
the following morning. The fatigue they encountered 
was appalling. The country was enveloped in thick 
darkness, rain poured down in streams, while the 
wind tossed and whirled like the ground in an earth- 
quake. Now they mounted over clumps and ridges, 
formed by rocks of lava, and entangled with dense 
brushwood ; and now plunged into some swollen 
stream, whose rushing waters destroyed all order of 
march. Dimly, in the distance, could be observed the 
flame of camp-fires, struggling through the wind and 
rain ; while the rumbling of heavy cannon, the tramp 
of horses, the clashing of guns and bayonets, and the 
thunderings of the tempest, rolled strangely through 
the sullen night. 

At eight next morning, the Mexican batteries 
reopened upon the hacienda of San Antonio, where 
General Worth was posted. The heavy explosions 
shook the air, while houses and strong bulwarks sunk 
in thundering masses beneath the showers of shot 
and shells. The balls whistled through the quiet 
lanes, raking them from end to end, and tearing up 
the ground in deep ridges. Large bombs burst in the 
air, throwing slugs, shot, and fragments, among the 
Americans, with terrible effect. Yet these gallant 
troops, disdaining to yield, stationed themselves be- 
hind walls and buildings ; and, though all around was 
ruin and confusion, calmly prepared for active duty. 
Soon after, the divisions of Pillow and Twiggs pushed 
toward Contreras ; which, after a fatiguing march, 
50 



590 WAR WITH MEXICO. 

they reached about one o'clock, P. M. General 
P. F. Smith was then ordered to march up in face of 
the enemy's works, and Colonel Riley to move rapidly 
toward the right, gain the main road, and cut off 
any Mexican reinforcement that might present itself. 
Smith rushed forward amid a tremendous fire, and 
gained a position for his artillery. Every gun on 
both sides now opened; and the terrific explosions 
shook the ground for miles around, and rolled in 
deafening echoes along the mountain ridges of Mexico. 
But the few guns of the American advanced battery 
were soon silenced ; and General Pierce marched to 
the relief of General Smith. 

About this time, large reinforcements of the enemy 
approached Contreras, and General Cadwalader pushed 
forward to reinforce Riley. Again the batteries broke 
forth in rapid discharges, but neither army yielded one 
inch of ground. About four o'clock, a commanding 
figure swept along the American line, while his 
piercing eyes glanced over the field of action. " Gene- 
ral Scott !" rang from rank to rank, and a shout, wild 
and enthusiastic, poured forth his welcome. Perceiving 
the immense strength of the Mexicans, the commander- 
in-chief ordered General Shields to reinforce Riley 
and Cadwalader, and also strengthened the army in 
front of the enemy. The whole field was now covered 
with soldiers, marching and wheeling in line. At 
some distance off, the Mexican cavalry hovered like a 
cloud on the movements of Cadwalader and Riley; 
while on the side of General Smith, peal after peal of 
heavy ordnance told that death was raging with terri- 
ble strides among the ranks of the high-souled com- 



CONTRERAS AND CHURUBUSCO. 591 

batants. For six hours the dreadful work continued, 
when darkness closed round the armies, and the firing 
grew less and less rapid, then died away, and all was 
still. The disappointed Americans, who, unacquainted 
with the enemy's strength, had calculated on speedy 
victory, lay down on the rugged ground without 
blankets, and amid rushing floods of rain that, collect- 
ing among the ridges, rushed and foamed like mountain 
torrents. About eight o'clock, General Scott retired 
to San Augustin, and was followed by Twiggs and 
Pillow, at eleven. 

Early the next morning, Generals Scott and Worth 
again set out for Contreras. Some cannonading, and 
a rapid discharge of musketry, was heard in that 
direction, and, soon after, Captain Mason galloped up 
to the commander-in chief, with the tidings that Smith 
had carried the whole line of fortifications at Contreras. 
That enterprising general had planned and executed 
the assault, and suffered comparatively small loss. 
He captured fifteen hundred prisoners, including 
Generals Salas, Blanco, Garcia, and Mendoza, an im- 
mense amount of ammunition and camp equipage, 
and fifteen artillery pieces ; among them, the two 
that had been taken from Captain O'Brien at Buena 
Vista. Seven hundred of the enemy were killed, and 
a still larger number wounded ; while the ronte of the 
fugitives was strewed with muskets and other arms. 

Upon receiving this intelligence, General Scott sent 
General Worth to make a demonstration on San An- 
tonio, while he, with a portion of the army, should get 
in its rear. The troops composing the latter passed 
by the late battle-field. Even the bold heart of the 



592 WAR WITH MEXICO. 

soldier grew sick at the shocking spectacle. Hundreds, 
that but one day before were active with health and 
ambition, now covered the bloody plain, stiff, pale, 
and distorted, as death had left them. Here and 
there a wretch, writhing in agony, moaned forth a 
prayer for water ; while the neighbouring streams ran 
red with human blood, and mangled heaps were piled 
on each other along their banks. On reaching San 
Pablo, another action commenced, and at almost the 
same instant, the roar of Worth's cannon was heard 
at Churubusco. The flower of the American army 
was now engaged with that of Mexico, and the battle 
was one of those rarely witnessed on the continent. 
Thousands of musketry rattled in uninterrupted suc- 
cession, while, now and then, the deep cannon would 
break in with sullen roar, that rolled trembling away 
in the distance. On one part of the field, the com- 
manding form of Scott was sweeping from rank to 
rank, animating and superintending his legions, heed- 
less of the thick storm that was whizzing like hail 
around him ; on another, the loud voices of Worth 
and Twiggs were shouting their heroes on the stub- 
born foe. Dark around that scene hung dense columns 
of smoke, as though hiding man's dark character from 
the gaze of day. 

In two hours, all the works were in possession of 
the Americans, and the enemy in full flight for the 
city. General Worth pursued them almost to the 
gates of the capital. 




Paredes. 



STORMING OF CHAPULTEPEC. 



HE three days succeeding 
the attack on Molino del 
Rey, were spent by the 
American army in recon- 
noitering the fortress of 
Chapultepec, and the neigh- 
bouring stations. During 
the night of the 11th, all the guns were arranged 
around the works, and preparations completed for a 
renewal of the work of death on the following 

morning. 

50* pp 




594 WAR WITH MEXICO. 

Daylight displayed the batteries of the Americans 
frowning upon their enemies, while behind them were 
arranged the fearless bands of Twiggs and Worth, 
pale and haggard with marches, night-watches, and a 
month's fighting. Yet the eyes of those iron men 
flashed sternly as they gazed on the work before them. 
Thousands of bayonets glittered along the ramparts 
of Chapultepec, interrupted at short intervals by heavy 
cannon. Hearts were bounding as they never had 
before — for soon was to be decided whether Mexico 
should fall, or the enemy drive back their hitherto 
triumphant invaders, and reap vengeance for her 
bleeding armies. 

The action commenced, and soon all other feelings 
were swallowed up in the wild tumult of battle. All 
day long those iron engines hurled forth their plunging 
volleys, and iron sleet rained in crashing showers amid 
ranks that in a few moments dwindled to skeletons. 
Leaping and rattling over the stony cliffs, the balls 
mowed down trees and shrubs, and filled the air with 
leaves and dust. Then through the clouds of dark- 
ness the batteries would open, and whole platoons 
sink before them. The sun grew hotter and hotter, 
pouring down his unshaded rays upon the maddening 
combatants; yet, hour after hour, amid shrieks of 
horror, sights of death, without intermission, without 
rest, they continued the dreadful work. Rows of 
buildings within the fortress crumbled to atoms before 
the incessant discharges ; and brave men, who had 
vainly toiled for their country at Cerro Gordo, Con- 
treras, and Churubusco, were now thrown lifeless into 



STORMING OF CHAPULTEPEC. 597 

the ditches by those whom battle had made insensible. 
Night at length put an end to the assault. 

But, terrible as was this action, it was but slight 
compared to the assault of the following day. Aware 
of the duties to be performed, General Scott selected 
for this service the veteran divisions of Pillow and 
Twiggs — those who had triumphed in so many 
battles. The march was through dark woods, over 
ravines and rocks, and up slippery cliffs, all of which 
were guarded by the enemy. Yet, led on by their 
fearless commanders, the troops forgot all labour; 
drove one party after another with the bayonet ; and, 
turning a clump of woods, came in sight of the 
fortress. The Mexicans had recruited their ranks, 
and made every preparation for a desperate and 
decisive struggle. 

Soon the artillery on both sides opened ; and, amid 
the horrors of a bombardment, the storming parties 
were organized, and began their march. The enemy 
perceived their design ; and, ceasing the irregular 
cannonade, pointed all their guns at the advancing 
troops. For a while the nature of the ground 
defended them ; but, as they came nearer, heavy 
balls came plunging in their midst, sweeping down 
entire columns. Then there would be a pause, 
succeeded by the shouts of command, and the 
hurried tread of the soldiers re-forming. The next 
moment, on they again pushed, shoulder to shoulder, 
facing the fiery batteries with the calmness of true 
courage. Every rock, every crag, every tree they 
passed, was stained with the life-blood of their com- 
rades ; and behind them, unheard, unnoticed, rose up 



598 WAR WITH MEXICO. 

a groan of agony, from the long black pile of dead 
and wounded that marked their course. At length 
the slaughter was so dreadful, that even the heroes 
of Churubusco paused — a moment of strange feeling 
followed ; and, as each man looked upon the shattered 
ranks, and then gazed round for his companions, a 
sickening, fearful anxiety, rose in his countenance. 
But their generals dashed along their front, and amid 
showers of death restored the line of battle. One 
wild shout arose ; doubt was flung to the wind ; and 
that little band bent forward over their bayonets, and 
swept along. 

The Mexicans fought under the eye of General 
Bravo. His noble bearing held them to duty, and 
made them act as Mexicans rarely can. In the 
thickest of the action, among the living and the dead, 
he wrestled with fate, and for a long while held 
the balance of victory in his grasp. But, awed by 
recent defeat, his troops began at length to falter. 
Disorder followed, and many fled ingloriously from 
their ranks. The exertions of their leader were in 
vain ; his threats and exhortations only augmented the 
panic ; and, though the Americans rushed on in the 
very mouth of the batteries, the dismay of the 
Mexicans would not permit them to take advantage 
of it. And when they saw their daring antagonists 
within a few yards of the works, disorder and wild 
uproar ensued. 

The shouts of the assailants now arose over the 
noise of battle. A soldier leaped in front of his com- 
panions, while the stars and stripes danced in his hand, 
and, seconded by a few others, planted some ladders 



STORMING OF CHAPULTEPEC. 599 

against the outer works, and rushed over the walls. 
A moment after, the whole parapet gleamed with 
bayonets. Thousands of the enemy fled ignobly ; but 
their general, flinging himself before his opponents, 
rallied a little band around him, and fought with the 
energy of despair. There was a short period of 
lightning-like actions, silent and terrible. This termi- 
nated, and loud and long-continued shouts told that 
the last hope of Mexico was extinguished — that Cha- 
pul tepee had fallen. 

A great number of prisoners, including General 
Bravo, was taken. The interior of the fort presented 
a melancholy spectacle. A great quantity of the 
works was a mass of ruins, among which the dead 
and dying were strewed in all directions. The large 
building occupied as a military school, was completely 
riddled ; while the well-selected and valuable library, 
together with furniture and ornaments, was in utter 
confusion. 

During the assault, General Quitman had attacked 
the enemy on the south and west, where they had 
posted themselves by the aqueduct, and thrown de- 
fences across the road. After carrying all these 
works, and leaving a small garrison in Chapultepec, 
the army marched toward the capital, General Quit- 
man moving by the Tacubaya road, and General 
Worth by the San Cosme. The Mexicans resisted at 
every step, having erected works across the road at 
different places, from which they harassed every part 
of the American columns. One station after another 
was carried, until at night the enemy had been driven 
within the gates of Mexico. On arriving at the 



600 



WAR WITH MEXICO. 



Tacubaya gate, Quitman came in range of the citadel, 
from which a shower of iron hail was incessantly 
poured upon his ranks. The struggle at this place 
was tremendous, and ended only with the close of day. 
At night the authorities surrendered the city, which 
was entered next day by the entire army. 




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